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Concern Grows Over Flooding Vulnerability In Thurles Town Streets.

A flooded Stradavoher, Thurles.
Pic: G. Willoughby.

Thurles has in recent years has become increasingly vulnerable to flooding, following heavy rainfall, with drainage systems across the town found frequently struggling to cope with pluvial (rain-related) flood events.

A Tipperary County Council document on flood risk management notes that several parts of the county are exposed to flooding from multiple sources, including groundwater and intense rainfall, highlighting Thurles as an area of particular concern. The Office of Public Works (OPW) has also designated Thurles Town as an “Area for Further Assessment” under its national flood risk programme.

Emmet Street Thurles.
Pic: G. Willoughby.

This evening, several areas of Thurles; including Friar Street, Railway Road, Stradavoher, Junction at Sarsfield Street, an area at Slievenamon road Traffic lights, Emmet Street, and the Mitchel Street/Borroway junction, all experienced severe flooding, following a heavy downpour at around 6:00pm this evening. Local reports indicate that inadequate drain cleaning and blockages contributed significantly to the surface water build-up.

Blocked Thurles drains due to litter and fallen leaves.
Pic: G. Willoughby.

While there is broad agreement that extreme rainfall events are becoming more frequent, the issue in Thurles is often compounded by insufficient maintenance of the town’s drainage network, particularly during autumn when falling leaves and litter exacerbate blockages.

Legacy development on flood-prone lands, including housing estates, car parks, and other construction in low-lying areas, has further increased vulnerability.

Junction at Sarsfield Street, ThurlesPic: G. Willoughby.

Such conditions are calling for an enhanced early warning systems, such as MapAlerter, to deliver real-time alerts on severe weather and localised hazards. We also stress the need for ongoing drainage upgrades and regular maintenance, ensuring that gullies, storm drains, and car park outlets are capable of managing heavy rainfall surges.

The economic and social consequences of this flooding in smaller towns like Thurles can be severe, damaging homes and businesses, disrupting commerce, reducing property values, and potentially affecting insurance availability.

Unlike larger urban centres, smaller towns often lack extensive flood defence infrastructure, making local planning, awareness, and preventative maintenance essential.

Community cooperation remains key. Local councils, residents, and business owners are urged to work together to strengthen resilience and ensure Thurles is better prepared for the challenges of increasingly unpredictable weather.

However, Thurles has endured recurring flooding during the autumn and winter months for years, and the local authority has consistently failed to address or resolve the problem.

Ms Catherine Connolly Elected Ireland’s 10th President.

Ms Catherine Connolly has been elected Ireland’s 10th President following a lacklustre campaign.

In an election marked by voter apathy and political disillusionment, Teachta Dála Ms Catherine Connolly has been elected as Ireland’s 10th president, securing an overwhelming victory that nonetheless leaves the Government politically bruised.

Ms Catherine Connolly.

While the presidency is a largely ceremonial office, with limited constitutional powers, the result represents a symbolic blow to the coalition led by Taoiseach Mr Micheál Martin. The centre-right parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, suffered from weak campaigns and uninspiring candidates, paving the way for Ms Connolly’s decisive win.

Aged 68, Ms Connolly has lived in the Claddagh area of Galway City since 1988 with her husband, retired woodwork teacher Mr Brian McEnery, latter now aged in his early 70s. The couple have two adult sons. Her brother-in-law is Sligo-based socialist politician Mr Declan Bree.

Ms Connolly’s election marks the third time a woman has held Ireland’s presidency, following Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese.

A clinical psychologist by training, she previously worked with the Western Health Board in Ballinasloe and Connemara before practising as a barrister. She is fluent in Irish and also speaks German, having studied psychology in Germany. Raised a Roman Catholic, she has described herself as not practising any religion.

Throughout the campaign, Ms Connolly faced scrutiny over past associations and her personal judgement. A long-time advocate of Irish neutrality, she has voiced opposition to what she describes as “the creeping militarisation of Europe” and has cautioned against efforts to dilute Ireland’s traditional stance of non-alignment. While supported in this election by left-leaning parties, including Sinn Féin, she has reiterated that Irish unity can only be pursued peacefully and with the consent of voters in both jurisdictions, a stance that may in time test her future relationship with Sinn Féin.

Presidential Election does not reflect a surge of enthusiasm for the left as the left would have people believe.
Despite her clear victory, voter turnout tells a more complex story. Just 46% of the electorate cast a ballot, with 13% of those votes spoiled. Overall, only one in three of the total electorate voted for a candidate, while 54% stayed at home. In total, 67% of voters were either disengaged or disillusioned, many citing dissatisfaction with the non availability of candidates.

Analysts note that Ms Connolly’s vote share represents support from around just 20% of the total electorate; less than the combined vote secured by Sinn Féin and other left-wing parties in the last general election. Her success, they argue, reflects not a surge of enthusiasm for the left, but rather the collapse of confidence in the traditional parties.

Low turnout, disaffected voters, and an opposition campaign run with ruthless efficiency combined to produce Saturday’s result. For Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, it was a political humiliation, years in the making. Both parties, critics argue have drifted from the values that once defined them and appear increasingly out of touch on core issues such as housing, healthcare, and the cost of living.

In chasing narrow blocs of voters that distrust them, the two main government parties stand accused of abandoning the liberal, economically moderate, centre ground that long anchored Irish politics. The resulting vacuum, political observers warn, will have to be filled before the next Irish general election.

Cowardly Vandalism At Thurles TD’s Office Is To Be Condemned.

The office of Fianna Fáil TD Ryan O’Meara, situated in Thurles, have been vandalised sometime within the past 24 hours. The incident took place at his rented premises on the junction of Parnell Street and Cuchulain Road, latter a busy local landmark, better known as Hanafin’s Corner.

Office of Fianna Fáil TD Ryan O’Meara vandalised in Thurles.

This was not protest, nor was it political expression, it was pure vandalism. Whoever carried it out has shown nothing but disrespect for the local community and also for the democratic process.

Disagreeing with a public representative is one thing; attempting to intimidate or deface their workplace is quite another. Acts like this achieve nothing but division and damage the very tone of public life.

In a democracy, there are proper channels to voice frustration; through open debate, the ballot box, and community engagement. Resorting to mindless destruction is a coward’s substitute for reasoned argument.

No doubt local people will express shock and disappointment at the incident, and it is expected Gardaí will investigate. Those responsible should be ashamed of their actions, they have let down not only themselves but the town of Thurles as a whole.

Government Approval Granted To Progress Criminal Law Bill 2025.

Government gives approval to progress the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences, Domestic Violence and International Instruments) Bill 2025.

Bill will includes measures to:

  • Introduce ‘Jennie’s Law’ – a new publicly accessible Domestic Violence Register of Judgements managed by the Courts Service
  • Strengthen the law on sexual consent
  • Replace the term ‘child pornography’ in legislation with more appropriate term of ‘child sexual abuse material’

The Irish Government has approved the drafting of legislation to establish a publicly accessible Domestic Violence Register of Judgements, same to be published by the Courts Service. This new law will allow those convicted of domestic violence against a partner or former partner, to be publicly named on this Register of Judgements.

The General Scheme of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences, Domestic Violence and International Instruments) Bill 2025 will also:

  • Strengthen the law on sexual consent.
  • Bolster our legislation on preventing and combating human trafficking;
  • Remove dual criminality in respect of certain offences including forced marriage; and
  • Replace references to “child pornography” with “child sexual abuse material” in legislation and in legal proceedings.

The General Scheme will now be referred to the Justice Committee for pre-legislative scrutiny and, when its report is received, work on finalising the Bill will be prioritised.

In practice, this means that when a person says they thought the other person had consented to sexual activity, this must be based on objective circumstances and not simply be the subjective belief of the accused. Under the new legislation this will apply not just to sexual intercourse but to all types of sexual activity between adults.

The proposed Register of Domestic Violence Judgements is a mechanism to facilitate publication of written judgments following conviction on indictment for serious offences relating to domestic violence, setting out details of the offence, the perpetrator, and other relevant information. Once issued, judgments will be published on the Courts Service website. The Court will retain the discretion to decide if a judgment should be delivered in a specific case, and the victim must provide their consent. The Register of Domestic Violence judgments will also signpost users to guidance on reporting domestic violence incidents and information on domestic violence supports.

In line with EU obligations and Council of Europe recommendations, the General Scheme also removes the requirement for dual criminality for sexual violence offences including rape, forced marriage, female genital mutilation and forced abortion and forced sterilisation. Until now, if such offences were committed abroad by an Irish citizen, they could not be prosecuted by the State unless this behaviour was also a crime in the place where it occurred.

The General Scheme can be read in full here: Criminal Law (Sexual Offences, Domestic Violence and International Instruments) Bill 2025.

Ireland’s Political Right: Still Standing, But Losing Touch.

For almost a century, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have run this country. Between them, they’ve provided stability, managed the economy, and kept Ireland close to Europe. They’ve done plenty right, and deserve credit for steering clear of the angry, far-right politics we see elsewhere.

But the world has changed, and the old politics of careful management simply isn’t cutting it anymore. People are tired of polite promises and slow progress. They want answers, and a bit of honesty.

Ireland – The land of rolling green hills, magical castles, and unspoken truth.

What They Got Right.
To be fair, both parties handled the economy well after our economic downturn (2008–2013), caused in part by the collapse of an unsustainable property and construction bubble that had formed during the preceding “Celtic Tiger” boom years.
Fine Gael’s focus on jobs and recovery restored international trust, while Fianna Fáil’s old instinct for pragmatism helped Ireland grow out of poverty and into prosperity.
Also their shared commitment to the EU has been a huge advantage. Foreign investment has powered our economy and created real opportunity and on paper, that’s success.
But a country isn’t just measured by GDP, it’s measured by how people live, and that’s where the Irish right keeps falling short.

The Big Disconnect.
The housing crisis has exposed the limits of their thinking. For years, both parties have insisted that the market will sort it out. It hasn’t. Rents are out of control, first-time buyers are priced out, and homelessness is rising. When people try to raise these issues, they run into another problem, the government’s communication gap. You send an email to a TD or department and you get a polite automated acknowledgement, but it ends there. You get no reply and questions are not answered.
That kind of political politeness has become a symbol of the wider problem: leaders who appear to listen but don’t actually hear.

Two Parties, One Message.
Once upon a time, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael fought over ideas. Today, they’re practically interchangeable. Both are pro-business, pro-Europe, cautious and allergic to risk. Their coalition might keep things calm, but it also keeps them stuck.
Yes, voters notice. Many aren’t looking for revolution, just for someone who speaks clearly, admits mistakes, and offers real solutions and public discussion.

Time to Reconnect.
Ireland still badly needs a strong, sensible centre-right. Financial discipline and good management are important. But so are empathy, imagination, and communication.

If Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael want to survive the next decade, they’ll need to do more than manage, they’ll need to lead. That means tackling housing head-on, cutting through bureaucracy, and giving straight answers when people ask fair questions.
In 2025, steady as she goes isn’t enough. People want to be heard. They want a government that talks straight, acts fast, and most importantly actually deliver the goods.

Until that happens, the old parties will remain what they’ve become: solid, safe, while slowly losing touch.