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Death Of Maura McGrath, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.

It was with a great sadness that we learned of the death, on Friday 17th July 2026, of Mrs Maura McGrath (née Ryan), No. 29 Sue Ryder housing complex, Holycross, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.

Pre-deceased by her husband Michael; Mrs McGrath passed away peacefully while in the care of staff at Padre Pio Nursing Home, Holycross, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.

Her passing is most deeply regretted, sadly missed and lovingly remembered by her sorrowing family; loving daughter Jane, son Eamon, grandchildren Sarah, Rebecca, Cian and Emily, sister, brothers, sisters-in-law, nieces, nephews and friends.

Requiescat in Pace.

Funeral Arrangements.

The earthly remains of Mrs McGrath will repose for Requiem Mass in the Church of Jesus Christ our Saviour, Rossmore, Co. Tipperary, on Tuesday afternoon, July 21st, at 3:00pm, followed by interment, immediately afterwards in the adjoining graveyard.

For those persons who would wish to attend Requiem Mass for Mrs McGrath, but for reasons cannot, same can be viewed streamed live online, HERE.

The extended McGrath family wish to express their appreciation for your understanding at this difficult time, and have made arrangements for those persons wishing to send messages of condolence, to use the link shown HERE.

Death Of Margaret Killackey, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.

It was with a great sadness that we learned of the death, yesterday Saturday 18th July 2026, of Ms Margaret Killackey, Willowmere Drive, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.

Pre-deceased by her parents Hubert and Stella and her sisters Marion and Annette; Ms Killackey passed away peacefully at her place of ordinary residence, surrounded by her loving family.

Her passing is most deeply regretted, sadly missed and lovingly remembered by her sorrowing family; loving son Daragh, daughters Nessa and Breffni, grandchildren Caoimhe, Ruairí, Eabha, Mia and Lucie, daughter-in-law Niamh, sons-in-law Leo and Jack,sisters Carol and Philomena, nieces, nephews, grandnieces, grandnephews, extended relatives, neighbours and a wide circle of friends.

Requiescat in Pace.

Funeral Arrangements.

The earthly remains of Ms Killackey, will repose at her residence Willowmere Drive, Thurles, (Eircode E41 Y2X3) on Tuesday afternoon, July 21st, from 5:00pm until 8:00pm same evening.
Her funeral cortège will be received into the Cathedral of the Assumption, Cathedral Street, Thurles, (Eircode E41 A528) on Wednesday morning at 10:30am, to further repose for Requiem Mass at 11:00am, followed by a private service of cremation afterwards.

For those persons who would wish to attend Requiem Mass for Ms Killackey, but for reasons cannot, same can be viewed streamed live online, HERE.

The extended Killackey family wish to express their appreciation for your understanding at this difficult time, and have made arrangements for those persons wishing to send messages of condolence, to use the link shown HERE.

Those attending the funeral are asked to wear bright colour to celebrate her brilliant personality.

Note Please: No flowers. Donations in lieu, if desired, to Dementia Ireland.

The family of Ms Killackey would like to take this opportunity to express their deep gratitude to Noelle, Michelle, Geraldine, Stephanie, Caoimhe, Jacinta, Ackil, Orla and the management and staff at St. Theresa’s Nursing Home.

The Ribbon Men of Tipperary.

The Ribbon Men in Tipperary; Where They Came From, Where They Went And Why They Are Less Spoken About in Irish History.

The Ribbon Men were part of the wider movement known as Ribbonism, a Catholic secret-society tradition that grew in Ireland during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They did not begin in Tipperary alone. Their roots are usually traced to the Defender movement of the 1790s, especially in Ulster, where Catholic communities organised for protection in a time of sectarian tension and political unrest. Over time, Ribbonism spread beyond the north and became associated with rural grievances, tenant rights, resistance to tithes, opposition to evictions, and hostility towards landlords, agents, informers, and process servers. Historians describe Ribbonism as both a secret society and a form of community defence, though government officials often used the name loosely for many kinds of rural disorder.

Meeting depicted of Ribbonmen in 1851, found in W. Steuart Trench’s 1868 book “Realities of Irish Life”.

In Tipperary, the Ribbon Men entered a county already well known for agrarian conflict. Long before them there had been Whiteboys, and later there were Rockites, Terry Alts, Caravats, Shanavests, and other local factions. Tipperary’s land system, poverty, insecurity of tenure, tithes, evictions, competition for farms, and resentment of middlemen created the conditions in which secret societies could take hold. From the 1760s onwards the county was heavily involved in these rural movements, under different names and with changing motives.

Their activities in Tipperary were usually not open political rebellion in the modern sense. They worked in secret and at night. They used oaths, passwords, threatening letters, armed visits to houses, raids for firearms, attacks on property, intimidation of tenants, latter who took land from evicted families, and warnings to employers or landlords. Some actions were violent and sometimes deadly. Others were intended to frighten rather than kill. A National Archives record from 1828, for example, refers to Ballingarry Glebe, (NR), near Borrisokane and the forwarding of new oaths sworn by entrants into the “Ribband System.” This is important because it places Ribbon organisation, not just vague agrarian unrest, in north Tipperary.

The evidence suggests that Ribbon and Ribbon-like activity was strongest in north and mid Tipperary. The Ormond districts, especially around Borrisokane and Nenagh, appear repeatedly in studies of threatening notices and rural intimidation.
Daniel Grace’s study of threatening notices in pre-Famine Tipperary found that land was the dominant issue behind such threats, and that the northern baronies of Upper and Lower Ormond produced a particularly high concentration of notices. Other places connected with this wider pattern include Thurles, Roscrea and Ikerrin, Templemore, Borrisoleigh, Cashel, Golden, Bansha, Tipperary town, Killenaule, Mullinahone, Carrick-on-Suir, Cahir, and Clonmel. Some of these places were centres of actual incidents; others were police, court, or administrative centres where cases were reported, tried, or investigated.

Where did they go? In one sense, they did not simply go anywhere. Ribbonism changed shape. Some members emigrated, especially to Britain and America, bringing forms of Irish Catholic fraternal organisation with them. Scholarship on Ribbon societies shows that the tradition did not remain purely rural or purely Irish; it also appeared among Irish migrant communities in Britain and later influenced Catholic fraternal organisations such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians.
In Ireland itself, the Ribbon Men faded as new movements took the stage. The Young Irelanders, the Fenians, the Land League, the Irish Parliamentary movement, and later revolutionary nationalism, latter which gave people different languages and structures for protest. The old secret agrarian oath-bound society became less central.

There are several reasons why the Ribbon Men are less spoken about today.
First, they were secretive. They did not leave behind manifestos, membership lists, or proud public records in the way later political organisations did. Much of what we know comes from police reports, court records, hostile newspapers, informers, and government correspondence. These sources are useful, but they are also biased and often confused.

Second, the term “Ribbonman” was sometimes used too broadly. Officials could blame almost any unsolved agrarian crime on Ribbonism. This makes it difficult to separate genuine Ribbon organisation from Faction Fights, local feuds, Whiteboy activity, Rockite activity, or ordinary crime. Historians therefore handle the term carefully.

Third, their story is morally uncomfortable. They were not simply heroes or villains. They defended poor Catholic tenants in a harsh land system, but they also used intimidation and violence. That complexity does not fit easily into the cleaner patriotic story often told about later Irish nationalism.

Finally, Tipperary’s later history overshadowed them. The Famine, the Land War, the War of Independence, Soloheadbeg, and the Civil War became larger parts of public memory. Compared with those events, the Ribbon Men belong to a darker, earlier, more secretive world of oath-bound rural resistance.

Yet they matter. To understand Tipperary in the nineteenth century, we must remember not only the famous leaders and public movements, but also the hidden networks of ordinary people who acted from fear, anger, loyalty, and desperation. The Ribbon Men were part of that hidden history.

Death Of Stan Ryan, Clonoulty, Co. Tipperary.

It was with a great sadness that we learned of the death, today Saturday 18th July 2026, of Mr Stanley (Stan) Ryan, Corbally, Clonoulty, Co. Tipperary.

Pre- deceased by his parents Jack and Delia, brother John-Joe, sisters Alice and Phyl; Mr Ryan passed away peacefully, following a short illness, surrounded by his loving family, while in the care of staff at Tipperary University Hospital, Clonmel, South Tipperary.

His passing is most deeply regretted, sadly missed and lovingly remembered by his sorrowing family; loving and devoted wife Noreen, sons Gordon and Declan, daughters Aisling (Ely) and Fiona (Noonan), grandchildren Emma, James, Alana, Ellie, Sam, Darcey and David, daughter-in-law Jackie, sons-in-law Christian and Mike, brother-in-law, sisters-in-law, nieces, extended relatives, neighbours and wide circle of friends.

Requiescat in Pace.

Funeral Arrangements.

The earthly remains of Mr Ryan will repose at Hayes Funeral Chapel, Clonoulty, Co Tipperary, on Monday afternoon, July 20th, from 5:00pm until 7:00pm, before being received into the Church of St John the Baptist, Clonoulty, (Eircode E25 CY91), at 7:30pm, same evening.
Requiem Mass will be offered for Mr Ryan on Tuesday morning, July 21st, at 11:30am, followed by interment, immediately afterwards, in Clonoulty Cemetery, Cashel, Co. Tipperary.

For those persons who would wish to attend Requiem Mass for Mr Ryan, but for reasons cannot, same can be viewed streamed live online, HERE.

The extended Ryan family wish to express their appreciation for your understanding at this difficult time, and have made arrangements for those persons wishing to send messages of condolence, to use the link shown HERE.

€17 Million To Maintain Seized Drug Ship – Handed Over For $1

€17 Million To Maintain Seized Drug Ship – Handed Over for $1 – Irish Taxpayers Deserve Answers.

The seizure of the MV Matthew was an extraordinary success for Ireland’s law-enforcement and Defence Forces. It prevented approximately 2.2 tonnes of cocaine, valued at more than €157 million, from reaching the streets and dealt a serious blow to international organised crime. The members of Revenue, An Garda Síochána, the Naval Service, Air Corps and Army Ranger Wing involved deserve recognition for an exceptionally difficult and dangerous operation.

But praising that operation does not mean taxpayers must remain silent about what happened afterwards.
Revenue has now confirmed that safely managing and maintaining the MV Matthew cost the State approximately €17 million. After almost three years in Cork Harbour, the vessel was transferred to an international shipping company for the nominal consideration of just one US dollar.

Cocaine.

That outcome is extremely difficult for ordinary taxpayers to accept.
The issue is not that Revenue seized the ship. It was entirely right to seize a vessel being used for international drug smuggling. Nor can we pretend that the ship could simply have been abandoned, ignored or immediately sold. It was evidence in major criminal proceedings, and the State had obligations relating to security, maintenance, ownership, maritime registration, safety and environmental protection.
However, €17 million is an enormous amount of public money. At one point, the vessel was reportedly costing around €120,000 every week to manage and maintain. When expenditure reaches that level, the public is entitled to ask whether every reasonable step was taken to reduce the cost.

Why was Ireland apparently unprepared for the financial consequences of seizing a large commercial vessel?
Why was there no established procedure allowing the State to secure the necessary evidence digitally and physically, resolve ownership rapidly and seek an earlier sale, scrappage arrangement or cost-sharing agreement?
Could international partners, insurers, port authorities or maritime agencies have helped reduce the burden?
Were alternative berthing, crewing and maintenance arrangements properly examined?
Who monitored the accumulating expenditure, and at what point was ministerial intervention sought?

These questions do not undermine the criminal investigation. Accountability strengthens public confidence in such operations.
Revenue has explained that the disposal process was complicated because the ship had been used for international drug smuggling, nobody claimed ownership, and legal and regulatory requirements had to be resolved with international authorities. Those explanations must be considered fairly. Nevertheless, describing the case as “unprecedented” cannot become a complete answer for every euro spent.
Public bodies must be prepared for unprecedented events. Once weekly costs began running into six figures, an urgent cross-government task force should have been examining every lawful option to protect the taxpayer.

The State ultimately spent approximately €17 million maintaining an asset from which it recovered a nominal $1. Although the true benefit of the seizure cannot be measured merely by the ship’s sale price, the cocaine was removed, criminals were imprisoned and organised crime was disrupted; the financial outcome still exposes a serious weakness in how seized maritime assets are handled.

The Government should now publish a transparent breakdown of the expenditure, including berthing, crewing, repairs, insurance, security, legal work and professional fees. The Comptroller and Auditor General and the Public Accounts Committee should examine whether the spending represented value for money and whether delays could have been avoided.
Most importantly, Ireland needs a permanent protocol for future seizures of ships, aircraft and other high-cost assets. It should establish clear deadlines, ministerial oversight, spending controls, international cooperation arrangements and options for rapid disposal once evidential requirements have been satisfied.

Taxpayers support robust action against drug traffickers. They understand that major operations cost money. What they should not be expected to accept is an open-ended bill without detailed scrutiny.
The seizure of the MV Matthew was a victory against organised crime. The €17 million aftermath must now become a lesson in accountability, preparedness and respect for taxpayers’ money; not another example of enormous public expenditure being explained only after the money is gone.