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€2 At Tipperary Pumps – The Real Story Behind Ireland’s Fuel Prices.

There is a familiar rhythm to fuel prices in Ireland. Costs rise sharply, headlines point to global crises, and frustration builds at petrol stations across the country. Recently, that cycle has repeated itself, with rising tensions involving Iran blamed for sudden spikes that pushed prices close to, and in some cases beyond, €2 per litre.

At first glance, the explanation seems straightforward. Oil is a global commodity, and when conflict threatens supply; particularly in critical regions like the Middle East, prices rise everywhere. In early 2026, motorists saw increases of over 30 cent per litre in a matter of days as markets reacted to geopolitical uncertainty.

But if global events are only part of the story, what explains why Ireland consistently feels more expensive than many of its neighbours?
To understand that, you have to look beyond the headlines, and into the structure of the price itself.

The Price Beneath the Price.
Strip away the pump display and something striking emerges. In Ireland, the majority of what drivers pay for fuel has little to do with oil at all. According to AA Ireland data, approximately 65% of the price of petrol and 60% of diesel is made up of taxes and levies.

Put simply, when you pay around €1.75 per litre:

  • Roughly 60 cent reflects the actual fuel cost.
  • More than €1 goes to the State.

This is not a marginal difference. It fundamentally changes how global shocks are experienced at a local level. If oil prices rise, Irish motorists don’t just pay more for fuel, they pay more tax on that higher price as well. Value Added Tax (VAT), set at 23%, is applied on top of the entire cost, including excise duty and carbon tax. The result is a compounding effect, often described as a “tax on tax,” where price increases are amplified rather than simply passed through.
It is here that the gap between global explanation and domestic reality begins to widen.

Global Markets, Local Multipliers.
There is no question that international events matter. The recent surge in prices, following Middle East tensions, reflects genuine concern about supply disruption. Oil markets are notoriously sensitive, and even the perception of risk can trigger immediate price increases.
But the same global oil price applies across Europe. The difference lies in how each country translates that price into what consumers actually pay.

In Ireland, that Translation is Particularly Heavy.
Before tax, Ireland sits roughly in the middle of European fuel costs. After tax, it often ranks among the most expensive. This explains a common experience for motorists near the border, as crossing into Northern Ireland can reduce the cost of a full tank by €15–€20, despite the fuel itself being sourced from the same global market.
The conclusion is difficult to avoid, global events may set the baseline, but domestic policy determines the final impact.

The Case for High Taxes
Of course, there is a logic behind Ireland’s approach. Fuel taxation is not simply a revenue tool, though it certainly provides substantial income for the Exchequer. It is also a central pillar of climate policy.
Carbon tax, currently aligned with a rate equivalent to €71 per tonne of CO₂, is designed to discourage fossil fuel use and encourage a transition to cleaner alternatives.
In theory, the principle is sound, make carbon-intensive behaviour more expensive, and people will gradually shift toward more sustainable choices. The revenue generated is also partially reinvested into Ireland’s energy efficiency programmes and social supports, aimed at offsetting fuel poverty.
From a policy perspective, this reflects a broader European trend. Governments are increasingly using price signals to drive behavioural change.

Where Policy Meets Reality.
The difficulty lies in how that theory plays out in practice. Ireland is not a country where driving is easily optional. Outside major urban centres, public transport options are limited, distances are longer, and reliance on private vehicles is often unavoidable. For many households, fuel is not a discretionary expense; it is a necessity.
In this context, higher fuel prices do not significantly reduce consumption. Instead, they increase financial pressure. The burden is not evenly distributed either. Rural households, tradespeople, and lower-income workers are disproportionately affected. A commuter travelling 50 kilometres each day cannot simply switch to an electric vehicle overnight, nor can a small business absorb rising diesel costs indefinitely.
What emerges is a tension between long-term policy goals and short-term lived experience.

The Ripple Effect Through the Economy.
Fuel costs do not exist in isolation. They flow through the entire economy.
When diesel prices rise, transport becomes more expensive. That, in turn, increases the cost of goods, food distribution, construction and services. A sustained increase of just 30 cent per litre can cost the average motorist over €300 per year, but the indirect costs spread far wider.
This is why fuel prices often feel like a multiplier of the broader cost-of-living crisis. They do not just affect drivers; they affect everything.

Government Response: Reactive or Strategic?
When prices spike sharply, governments tend to intervene. In recent weeks, temporary cuts to excise duty, (up to 20 cent per litre), have been introduced to ease pressure on households and businesses.
These measures provide immediate relief, but they also highlight an uncomfortable truth; the government has significant control over fuel prices and can reduce them quickly when it chooses to do so.
Critics argue that this reinforces the idea that high prices are, at least in part, a policy choice rather than an inevitability. Supporters counter that such interventions must remain temporary, or risk undermining climate commitments and public finances, and both perspectives have merit.

A System Under StrainIreland’s fuel pricing system is not broken, but it is under strain.
On one side, there is a clear need to reduce emissions, meet climate targets, and transition toward a more sustainable energy system. On the other, there is the immediate reality of households struggling with rising costs in a country where alternatives are not yet fully in place.
The current approach attempts to balance these competing pressures. But balance is difficult to maintain when external shocks, such as global conflicts, push prices sharply higher. In those moments, the structure of the system becomes more visible, and more contested.

So Who Is Responsible?
The honest answer is not simple. Global events like the Iran conflict undeniably influence fuel prices. They set the direction of travel and can trigger rapid increases. But Ireland’s tax structure determines how steep that journey feels. It is not a question of either/or, it is both.

At a Crossroads
Ireland now faces a deeper question about the future of its fuel policy. Should taxes remain high to drive long-term change, even if that increases short-term hardship? Or should the burden be eased, at least until viable alternatives are available for all? There are no easy answers. But one thing is clear: for many Irish drivers, the issue is no longer abstract. It is not about global markets or climate targets in isolation.

It is about the price on the pump, the cost of getting to work, and the growing sense that something in the system is no longer quite in balance.

Revenue Processes €26.7m In Tax Adjustments Following Reviews Of Worker Classification.

The Revenue Commissioners have processed gross tax adjustments totalling €26.7 million arising from cases where workers were incorrectly treated as self-employed rather than employees.

Revenue Commissioners

Revenue said 280 voluntary disclosures were made, covering more than 6,600 employees. The disclosures relate to situations where some businesses classified staff as self-employed contractors when, in practice, the individuals should have been on payroll as employees.

Revenue Chairperson Mr Niall Cody is scheduled to appear before the Oireachtas Public Accounts Committee on today, where he is expected to outline the findings and the compliance activity behind them.

Mr Cody is also due to highlight that, while misclassification has long been a known compliance risk, the Supreme Court decision in Revenue Commissioners V Karshan, in October 2023 has significantly altered the operating environment for employers. The case, commonly referred to as the Domino’s Pizza delivery drivers judgment, upheld Revenue’s position that the workers involved were employees rather than independent contractors.

The ruling has been widely viewed as a landmark moment in addressing bogus self-employment, where individuals carry out work comparable to employees but without access to standard employment protections and benefits such as paid leave, sick pay and pension contributions. Historically, the issue has been particularly associated with sectors including construction and media.

Leinster House: €14.5m In Post-Election Payouts

A clear look at the figures as €14.5m is doled out in Leinster House post-election payouts.

More than €14.5 million has been paid out in severance-style supports, redundancy and pension lump sums to former TDs and Senators and their staff since last year’s election, according to figures released under FOI and explanatory notes from the Oireachtas.
The payments fall into two broad streams: supports for departing politicians and exit payments for staff employed under the Oireachtas scheme.

Leinster House.

Termination payments to former TDs and Senators:
The Oireachtas said €2.98 million was paid in monthly termination payments to politicians who retired or lost their seats. That money was shared among 70 people, working out at an average of about €41,800 per recipient.
These monthly payments are made to TDs and Senators who meet service requirements and are described as a measure intended to help members transition back into ordinary employment after leaving office.
Separately, a total of €1.14 million was paid in termination lump sums under the Oireachtas departure package. Again, this related to 70 former TDs and Senators, averaging around €16,000 each.

An information note accompanying the figures sets out the basic rule: where eligibility conditions are met, a termination lump sum equivalent to two months of salary, including salary allowances held during the period of continuous service, is payable, subject to Revenue rules on severance payments.

Pension lump sums and annual pensions:
In addition to termination supports, FOI figures show a further €3.022 million was paid in pension lump sums to retiring and departing TDs and Senators. This pot was shared among 22 people, an average of just over €137,000 per recipient.
Those individuals also qualified for annual pensions, with reported yearly amounts ranging from €7,796 to €63,467. Some may also be entitled to ministerial pensions, though those payments are handled through the Department of Finance rather than the Oireachtas administration.

One point highlighted in the reporting is transparency:
In previous years, names and individual amounts were published, but that practice has now ceased, with privacy cited as the reason.

Staff severance and redundancy: €7.45m:
A large share of the overall €14.5m relates to staff working for TDs and Senators, whose employment ended after the election.
Documents released under FOI show around €7.45 million was paid to staff members of former TDs and Senators. This included severance payments of €6.189 million paid to 187 people, an average of about €33,000 each.
A further €1.26 million was paid in statutory redundancy to 116 former staff, worth an average of just under €11,000 per recipient.
The records also show that nine people were re-employed after the election, triggering repayment requirements. The Oireachtas said €192,875 was repaid in severance by nine people, and one person additionally repaid €14,116 in redundancy.
The Oireachtas note explains that where someone who received an exit payment takes up employment under the scheme again within one year, they must repay the money received plus any compound interest that has accrued. It also states that where an exit payment has been repaid, any future payment or pension lump sum will be based on the person’s full service under the scheme.

What it means:
Supporters of these arrangements argue elections can bring abrupt job losses and that structured payments provide a buffer for both politicians and staff. Critics tend to focus on the overall cost and optics, particularly at a time when most workers outside politics rely on standard redundancy rules.

Either way, the FOI figures put a firm number on the post-election bill, and ensure the debate around value for money, transparency and reform is likely to continue.

Thurles & Tipperary Says Stop The “Junket” Slur, Start Accountability.

Thurles & Tipperary Says Stop The “Junket” Slur – Start the Accountability – Publish the Outcomes of St Patrick’s US Missions.

Ireland must travel, must engage, and must report back, in black and white.

Ireland should maintain the St Patrick’s Day diplomatic programme within the United States, including the Taoiseach’s White House engagement, because it is one of the few annual moments when a small island reliably gets direct access to the world’s most consequential decision-makers, investors and influencers.

But if we are truly serious about ‘people before posturing’, then every travelling politician and councillors must also be required to prove value for money and publish measurable outcomes on return.

That is the missing piece in this annual debate: loud accusations of “junkets” on one side, defensiveness on the other, and far too little mandatory, standardised reporting to the public.

It has been reported that nine or ten ministers are expected to travel to up to 15 US states around St Patrick’s Day. Meanwhile, FOI figures reports show €1,096,493 spent on 569 St Patrick’s Day events globally, with an average cost per event of €1,927.

That is not inherently scandalous. It can be excellent diplomacy. But it must be auditable diplomacy.
Engagement is not endorsement, it’s statecraft.

Tourism matters too; and we should never insult the American people. The United States is one of Ireland’s most important tourism markets and supports jobs right across this island, from hotels and restaurants to visitor attractions, guides and local festivals.
Tourism Ireland notes that in 2023 the island welcomed over 1.2 million US visitors, who spent about €1.7 billion here, making the US the most important overseas market for revenue.
Tourism Ireland’s USA Market Profile 2024 reports 1.3 million American tourists, €2.0 billion in spend, and 11.4 million bed nights; figures that underline just how much Irish employment depends on maintaining goodwill with ordinary American people, not just the political class in Washington.
You can disagree robustly with any US administration, while still showing respect to the American public, the diaspora, and the millions who choose Ireland in good faith.

Diplomacy that drifts into contempt is not “taking a stand” – it is self-harm.

Some opposition voices argue our Taoiseach should not go to Washington at all. People Before Profit TD Mr Richard Boyd Barrett has said it is “not appropriate” for Mr Martin to present President Donald Trump with shamrock this year.
Labour MEP Mr Aodhán Ó Ríordáin has also publicly taken a “No to the Shamrock ceremony” position. Labour leader Ms Ivana Bacik has also ‘raised conditions’ around any visit if threats continue.
Whatever the merits of ‘snub the White House’ rhetoric, it is just gesture politics unless those calling for such a boycott can set out a credible alternative strategy, which of course they haven’t.

Yes, they are entitled to their stance. But the public is entitled to ask a harder question: what is their alternative plan to protect Irish jobs, Irish exports and Irish leverage, in real time, when the stakes are highest?

Ireland cannot clap itself on the back for moral purity, while leaving Irish workers, exporters and inward investment exposed.
The national interest is not served by boycotts that make headlines at home and achieve nothing in Washington.

The public interest test: show the receipts and the results.
If critics insist on calling these trips “junkets”, and who can blame them, then the answer is simple: remove the ambiguity.
From this year onwards, every minister and senior office-holder travelling on St Patrick’s missions should be required to publish a short, standard “Outcomes Report” within 30 days of returning, laid before the Oireachtas and posted publicly.

That report should include:

  • Full itinerary (meetings, organisations, purpose).
  • Total cost (travel, accommodation, hospitality), itemised.
  • Concrete outcomes (investment leads, trade barriers raised, diaspora commitments secured, cultural/tourism campaigns launched).
  • Follow-up actions with named officials/agencies and deadlines.
  • What did not happen (meetings refused, issues parked, risks flagged).

This is not bureaucracy, it is basic democratic accountability. If nearly €1.1m is being spent globally on St Patrick’s Day events, the public should see, clearly, what Ireland gets in return.

A direct challenge to the “boycott brigade”.
It is easy to demand that Ireland “takes a stand” from a safe distance. It is harder to sit across the table from power and argue Ireland’s case, on trade, immigration, investment, peace and international law, and then come home and account for what was achieved.

If the likes of People Before Profit and a Labour MEP want to oppose engagement, let them publish their own alternative: a costed, credible strategy that protects Irish livelihoods and advances Irish values, without access, without dialogue, and without influence. Otherwise, it is politics as performance. Who elected these people anyway?

Ireland should go – and Ireland should know.

Ireland should absolutely maintain the St Patrick’s diplomatic programme in the US, and Irish politicians should visit American cities beyond Washington because that is where investment decisions, diaspora networks and industry clusters live.

But also the era of “trust us” travel must end.

Go. Engage. Promote Ireland. Protect jobs. Defend values, and then report back to the over taxed individuals who fe..ing paid for it all.

A Stronger Tourism Experience For Thurles & Tipperary.

As Promised: Time to Construct Plans and Attempt to Find a “Bookable Visitor Experience,” for Thurles.

Thurles Tourism Debate: Part IV.
Concerns over Tipperary’s ability to sustain and grow tourism have intensified following a recent council presentation on our tourism performance and marketing activity; but then in the words of T.C. Haliburton and later P.T. Barnum, “Talk is Cheap” and the words of councillors and officials come easier than their actions.

Thurles ‘A Sellable Product’.

“Thurles: Cathedral, Liberty Square & Local Stories, Lár na Páirce.(90–120 mins)

The promise: (what the visitor gets.)
A guided, easy walking loop that explains Thurles through three stops foreigners can understand instantly:

Cathedral of the Assumption:
Big visuals + a clear “why it matters” story: architecture, stained glass, music/choir tradition, and key moments that root the town in Irish life.

Liberty Square heritage loop:
2–3 short, memorable stories (old shopfronts, civic points, photo stops); stories, the kind people repeat afterwards. e.g. See links Bridget Fitzpatrick, – District Inspector Michael Hunt.Vogue Magazine. – King Charles III, Association. – the stories are endless the work is already highlighted.

Lár na Páirce:
Framed as “Irish life & identity through games”, sell as a cultural stop, not a sports lecture.

Why it’s easy to sell:

  • Walkable and simple (no specialist knowledge needed).
  • Weather-proof-ish if you plan “pause points” under cover (shopfront canopies / a proper bus shelter if installed is a cheap win).
  • Perfect as an add-on stop between other major routes.

Why Irish Rail is a big advantage for Thurles.
Thurles has a very strong practical selling point; it’s a rail town with visitor basics already in place.
From Irish Rail’s station information, Thurles station is 0.5 miles to the town centre, has toilets, passenger shelters, an enclosed waiting room, and strong accessibility (lifts to platforms, accessible toilet, ramps). It’s also on key intercity routes including Dublin Heuston – Cork (directs and intermediate), plus services connecting towards Limerick/Ennis and Tralee.

That means we can pitch Thurles as:
“Arrive by train, walk the town, back on the train.”
Ideal for weekend/day-trip groups who dislike motorway fatigue, parking stress, or long coach days.

In Part V, of our Thurles Tourism Debate, in the coming days we will assist in where to contact/sell and will provide a short, copy/paste social media advert.

Note: Since two paid tour guides with proper temperament, will be required to undertake this work, (yes we already have two knowledgable individuals, trained by myself), thus creating two jobs, which is more than our Tipperary public reps. have created in the past 20 years.

Time to increase failed footfall and reverse the deliberate destruction of our town centre, (Liberty Square), as a centre for business.