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Hamas’s Other Victims: Palestinians in Gaza.

If Irish political leaders from Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats want to speak about justice, human rights and moral responsibility, then they should be willing to condemn all terror, including Hamas’s terror against Palestinians, with the same force.

For years, too many people including members of Sinn Féin have labelled the present Hamas as “freedom fighters,” as if brutality becomes noble when it is wrapped in political language. But a new United Nations report makes the reality impossible to ignore: Hamas does not only terrorise Israelis. It terrorises Palestinians too.

The UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry has now documented a pattern of executions, torture, maiming and public punishment inside Gaza. This is not Israeli propaganda. This is not rumour. This is the United Nations describing Palestinians as “victims of all sides,” trapped between mass atrocities, repression and armed groups willing to rule through fear.

According to the report, the Commission identified 249 cases of executions and severe physical violence in Gaza during 2024–2025, resulting in at least 108 deaths and 384 injuries. The report says Hamas-affiliated forces were involved in at least 60 incidents, including public executions and brutal punishments carried out in front of communities.

The details are horrific. Men were reportedly blindfolded and shot in public squares. Others were beaten with metal pipes. Bones were deliberately broken. Victims were kneecapped, maimed, humiliated and punished in ways designed not only to injure the individual, but to send a message to everyone watching: obey, or this could be you.

The UN report describes these acts as amounting to the “war crimes of murder and torture.” That sentence should stop everyone in their tracks.
Public executions are not justice. Beatings with metal pipes are not resistance. Breaking the bones of Palestinians in the streets of Gaza is not liberation. It is terror.
And it matters that these crimes were carried out publicly. The Commission itself expressed alarm at the “severity and public nature” of the violence. Public punishment is a political tool. It is designed to spread fear, silence dissent, intimidate rivals, and remind ordinary civilians that the armed men are in control.

This is the truth many Irish people have refused to face: Hamas’s cruelty is not reserved for Israelis. It extends to Palestinians living under its rule. Palestinians in Gaza have been used as human shields, denied political freedom, exposed to ruinous wars, and now, according to the UN’s own findings, subjected to executions and torture by Hamas-affiliated forces.
None of this reduces the suffering of civilians in Gaza. It explains part of it. Palestinians are not served by pretending Hamas is a heroic movement. They are betrayed by that lie.

The UN has now put more evidence on the record. The question is whether those who excused Hamas for years will finally listen.
There is no freedom in being dragged into a square and shot. There is no dignity in being beaten with pipes. There is no liberation in broken bones.
Hamas is not a movement of freedom. It is a movement of fear.

A genuine concern for Palestinian lives must include concern for Palestinians abused by Hamas. A genuine defence of human rights must condemn torture whether the victim is Israeli or Palestinian. A genuine commitment to justice must reject the fantasy that armed extremists become moral actors simply because they claim to speak for an oppressed people.
Hamas has shown the world what it is through its actions: massacre, hostage-taking, repression, torture and public executions. It has brought misery to both Israelis and Palestinians alike.

That is why the latest Dáil debate on Ireland’s fixtures against Israel should trouble anyone who cares about moral consistency. Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats pushed motions aimed at stopping the Ireland-Israel matches and seeking Israel’s exclusion from international sport, but the Dáil rejected those proposals after Government amendments stated that the fixture is a matter for the Football Association of Ireland, not Government. The amended motions passed by 81 votes to 68.

The FAI is now considering whether the October 4th fixture should go ahead in Dublin or be moved to a neutral venue, with Hungary reported as a possible alternative, subject to UEFA approval.
But the wider question remains: why is there such political energy devoted to isolating Israel from sport, while far less attention is paid to the UN’s own findings that Hamas-affiliated forces have executed, tortured and maimed Palestinians in Gaza?

If Irish political leaders want to speak about justice, human rights and moral responsibility, then they should be willing to condemn all terror, including Hamas’s terror against Palestinians, with the same force.

The Dáil vote at least recognised that sporting fixtures are not for Government to dictate, but the debate also exposed how often the crimes of Hamas are treated as secondary, even when the victims are Palestinians themselves.

EU Migration Pact: Ireland Needs Compassion, But Also Control And Public Safety.

The EU Migration and Asylum Pact must be judged by one simple test: does it help Ireland and Europe manage migration in a way that is fair, humane, lawful and safe?

Compassion matters. People fleeing war, persecution and real danger should be treated with dignity. Ireland has a proud tradition of helping people in need, and that should not be abandoned.
But compassion cannot mean naivety. It cannot mean weak borders, poor screening, endless delays, or communities being told to accept decisions without proper consultation. It also cannot mean ignoring the genuine fear many Irish people now feel when they see violent attacks, pressure on housing, pressure on services, and a growing sense that ordinary people are not being listened to.

Across Ireland and Northern Ireland, people have been shaken by serious crimes and brutal attacks; the murder of teacher Ashling Murphy, the horrific attack on a priest in Downpatrick, and the shocking attempted beheading attack in Belfast. These cases are not all the same, and it would be wrong to use every tragedy to blame migrants as a whole. Most migrants are not criminals, and many come here to work, contribute and live peacefully.
But it would also be wrong for politicians to dismiss public concern as racism or extremism every time people ask serious questions about security, vetting, deportation, border control and community safety.

A fair migration system must protect refugees, but it must also protect the host community. That means proper identity checks, faster decisions, stronger removal of people who have no right to stay, and immediate action where anyone; be they Irish or non-Irish, poses a danger to the public.

The EU Migration Pact certainly may bring more structure to the asylum system, but structure alone is not enough. Faster procedures must still be fair. Human rights must be respected. But public safety must also be treated as a human right, because Irish people have the right to feel safe in their towns, churches, schools, streets and homes.
The debate should not be reduced to two extremes. On one side, there are people who want to shut the door completely. On the other, there are people who seem unwilling to admit that uncontrolled migration creates real problems. Ireland needs neither open-door idealism nor hatred. Ireland needs balance.

That balance should be clear:
We should welcome genuine refugees.
We should reject racism and violence against innocent people.
We should remove those who abuse the system.
We should never ignore crimes that terrify communities.
We should demand honesty from government instead of slogans.

The EU Migration Pact will only work if it restores trust. Trust requires fairness for asylum seekers, but also fairness for Irish citizens. Trust requires compassion, but also enforcement. Trust requires humanity, but also common sense.
Migration must be managed properly. Borders must mean something. Communities must be consulted. Dangerous people must not be allowed to fall through the cracks.

Ireland can be generous, but generosity must be matched with responsibility. A humane country protects the vulnerable, and that includes both those seeking refuge and the Irish people who expect their government to keep them safe.

Irish Government Moves Forward With Jennie’s Law.

Irish Government Moves Forward with Jennie’s Law to Strengthen Protection Against Domestic Violence

Government approval has been granted for the publication of new legislation designed to improve public access to information about serious domestic violence convictions.

The Domestic Violence (Judgments) Register Bill 2026, known as Jennie’s Law, will establish a public Register of Judgements for certain serious domestic violence offences committed against a partner or former partner.
The proposed register is intended to help people who are in, or are considering entering, a relationship to find out whether a person has a history of serious domestic violence convictions. It is named in memory of Jennifer Poole, who was murdered by her former partner in 2021.

Under the legislation, relevant convictions may be published as part of the court process. The register will be made available through the Courts Service website and will include judgements relating to serious domestic violence offences where publication is considered appropriate.
Publication will not be automatic in every case. The trial judge will have discretion to decide whether a judgement should be published. Victim consent will also be required before a convicted person can be named on the register.

The published judgement may include details of the conviction, the sentence imposed, and any other information the judge considers relevant to the offence. These judgements will appear online under a dedicated heading titled “Domestic Violence Register Judgements”.

The measure is designed to complement existing public access to criminal court outcomes, including media reporting of court proceedings. It is not intended to operate as an additional punishment, but as a means of improving transparency and supporting public safety.
The Bill will insert a new Part 3A into the Domestic Violence Act 2018 and will apply to convictions on indictment for serious domestic violence offences.
The register will also be presented in a way that links users to appropriate domestic violence supports and services. This will help ensure that anyone accessing the information, whether for themselves or out of concern for someone else, can be directed towards practical help.
A person named on the register will be able to apply to the court for removal no earlier than three years after conviction. Any decision to remove a judgement from the register will remain a matter for the court.

Jennie’s Law forms part of a wider approach to preventing domestic violence, protecting victims, and reducing the risk of reoffending. This includes ongoing protective measures led by An Garda Síochána, including initiatives aimed at supporting people who may be at risk from individuals with a history of serious domestic violence.

The Bill is expected to be published shortly and introduced in the Houses of the Oireachtas soon afterwards.

Ted Howell – The Quiet Strategist Behind Sinn Féin’s Political Journey.

The death of Edward “Ted” Howell in January 2025 brought renewed attention to one of the most influential yet least publicly known figures in modern Irish republicanism. While names such as Mr Gerry Adams and more recently, Ms Mary Lou McDonald have become synonymous with Sinn Féin’s political rise; Mr Howell operated largely behind the scenes. Yet those who knew the movement best often described him as its most significant strategists.
His life also highlights one of the enduring tensions at the heart of Sinn Féin’s history: the complex relationship between the party’s political leadership and the legacy of the Provisional IRA.

L-R: Mr Gerry Adams; late Mr Ted Howell and seated late Mr Martin McGuinness.

Born in Belfast in 1947, Mr Howell became involved in republican activism during the early years of “The Troubles”. Public records and contemporary reporting show that he was associated with the Provisional IRA and was interned during the 1970s. Like many republicans of his generation, his political development occurred during a period of intense conflict, marked by violence, imprisonment, and political upheaval.

In February 1982, Mr Edward Howell and fellow republican Mr Desmond Ellis were both arrested by U.S. immigration authorities while attempting to cross illegally from Canada into the United States at the Whirlpool Bridge near Niagara Falls. Contemporary accounts state that the pair, accompanied by three Canadians, were carrying false documentation and what authorities described as a “shopping list” for weapons, including detonators and other materials associated with then IRA operations. U.S. officials refused them entry, placed them in immigration detention, and began deportation proceedings.
Reports from the period indicate that Mr Howell, oddly, was accused of only attempting to enter the United States using false documents, rather than being criminally charged with weapons trafficking. During deportation arrangements via Canada and France, Howell reportedly escaped from escort at Paris airport before later being found located in Ireland.
This incident however, then formed part of a now wider U.S. investigation into IRA fundraising and arms-procurement networks operating through Canada and North America during the early 1980s.

A lesser-known aspect of Mr Ted Howell’s political activity was his involvement in Sinn Féin’s international engagement. According to public statements by Mr Gerry Adams, Mr Howell accompanied senior Sinn Féin representatives on visits to the Middle East and took part in meetings with Hamas representatives. Sinn Féin stated that these discussions focused on sharing lessons from the Irish peace process and encouraging political dialogue as an alternative to conflict. The contacts attracted controversy because Hamas is designated as a terrorist organisation by the European Union, the United States and several other countries. Howell’s involvement reflected Sinn Féin’s long-standing support for the Palestinian cause, a position that continues to influence the party’s strong criticism of Israeli government policies today and its advocacy for Palestinian statehood.

For critics of republicanism, the 1982 incident reinforced concerns about Howell’s involvement in the IRA’s international activities. For supporters, it became part of a broader narrative of a republican activist engaged in a struggle that they believed was political as well as military.

What is beyond dispute is that Howell emerged from the turbulent years of the conflict as one of Sinn Féin’s most trusted strategic thinkers. His relationship with Mr Gerry Adams was particularly significant. Adams was the public face of republicanism’s political transformation, but numerous accounts from journalists, former negotiators, and party insiders suggest that Howell was among the key advisers helping shape the movement’s long-term direction. He was involved in developing major policy documents during the 1980s and 1990s, including proposals that laid the groundwork for Sinn Féin’s engagement with the peace process.
Unlike Mr Adams; Mr Howell rarely sought publicity. He preferred to operate away from television cameras and political rallies. Yet those involved in negotiations frequently noted his influence. He was regarded as an intellectual force within republican circles, someone whose opinions carried considerable weight despite his low public profile.

The transition from armed conflict to political engagement remains one of the defining developments in modern Irish history. Supporters of Sinn Féin argue that figures, such as Mr Howell, played a crucial role in guiding that transition. They point to his involvement in discussions that eventually contributed to the Good Friday Agreement and later political settlements.
Critics, however, take a different view. They argue that individuals with IRA backgrounds continued to exercise influence within Sinn Féin long after the peace process had begun. For them, Mr Howell’s career raises important questions about accountability, transparency, and the extent to which former republican activists continued to shape decision-making behind the scenes.

Sinn Féin President Ms Mary Lou McDonald and Sinn Féin vice president Ms Michelle O’Neill pallbearers at funeral of Mr Ted Howell.
Above Photograph: Courtesy Liam McBurney.

These debates resurfaced after his death. The attendance of senior Sinn Féin figures at his funeral, including party president Ms Mary Lou McDonald, attracted considerable attention. Ms McDonald paid tribute to Howell’s contribution to the republican cause, reflecting the high regard in which he was held within the party. Alongside Ms Michelle O’Neill and Mr Gerry Adams, she helped honour a man whom many republicans regarded as a pivotal figure in the movement’s evolution.

For Sinn Féin supporters, these tributes were entirely appropriate. They viewed Mr Howell as a dedicated activist who helped steer republicanism towards democratic politics and constitutional engagement. They emphasised his role in peace negotiations and his commitment to Irish unity through political means.

But for others, particularly victims’ groups and critics of the IRA, the public recognition of Mr Howell revived painful memories of the conflict. Some questioned whether individuals associated with paramilitary organisations should be celebrated by contemporary political leaders. The sight of prominent Sinn Féin representatives honouring a former IRA member prompted renewed debate about how Ireland and Northern Ireland should remember “The Troubles”.

The relationship between Mr Gerry Adams, Ms Mary Lou McDonald, and Mr Ted Howell also symbolises a broader transition within Sinn Féin itself. Mr Adams represented the generation that led republicanism through conflict and into negotiations. Mr Howell was one of the key strategists working behind that transformation. Ms McDonald, by contrast, represents a newer generation of leadership seeking to position Sinn Féin as a mainstream political force across the island of Ireland.
Yet the party’s history cannot be separated from the individuals who shaped it. Mr Howell’s life serves as a reminder that many of the architects of modern Sinn Féin came from a movement deeply intertwined with the IRA. Whether viewed as a peacemaker, strategist, activist, or controversial figure, his influence on republican politics is difficult to deny.

Ultimately, Mr Ted Howell’s legacy depends largely on the perspective from which it is viewed. To supporters, he was a committed republican thinker. To critics, he remained a figure whose association with the IRA raises unresolved questions about responsibility and remembrance.
What is certain is that, despite spending much of his life out of the spotlight, Mr Edward “Ted” Howell left a significant imprint on Sinn Féin, on the republican movement, and sadly on the political history of Ireland.

Dr Michelle Walsh Elected To GREVIO.

Dr Michelle Walsh’s Election to GREVIO Strengthens Ireland’s International Role on Ending Gender-Based Violence.

Dr Michelle Walsh.

Ireland has secured an important place in European efforts to prevent and combat violence against women and domestic violence following the election of Dr Michelle Walsh to GREVIO, the Council of Europe’s Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Her election was welcomed by Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration Mr Jim O’Callaghan, who presented the result as recognition of her professional standing and Ireland’s commitment to tackling gender-based violence.

GREVIO is the independent expert body that monitors how countries implement the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, widely known as the Istanbul Convention. Dr Walsh was elected after a competitive selection process at a meeting of the Committee of the Parties to the Convention in Strasbourg, where five experts were chosen to begin four-year terms on 1st September 2026.

Dr Walsh’s success on the first count reflected the strength of her candidacy, her specialist knowledge, and her extensive practical experience, the result of which remains linked to Ireland’s reputation for engaging with domestic, sexual and gender-based violence at national and international levels.

Dr Walsh is Chief Executive Officer of MOVE Ireland, the national programme working with perpetrators of domestic abuse. She has more than 15 years of experience across the DSGBV field and is a fully accredited psychotherapist, clinical supervisor and trainer. Her career includes frontline programme delivery, applied research, policy development, evaluation of systems and services, professional education, and specialist training. She has also contributed to European cooperation through her work as a board member of the European Network for the Work with Perpetrators of Domestic Violence.

The Minister also recognised the service of Ellen O’Malley Dunlop, Ireland’s current member of GREVIO, whose term is due to conclude in August. Her contribution, including her role as Vice-President of the Committee, was acknowledged as an important part of Ireland’s engagement with the Convention.

Ireland’s domestic policy is closely connected to the Istanbul Convention. The State is a party to the Convention, and its Zero Tolerance Third National Strategy on Domestic, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence 2022–2026 is organised around the Convention’s four pillars: prevention, protection, prosecution, and coordinated policies. Dr Walsh’s election reinforces Ireland’s role in promoting stronger standards, better accountability, and more effective responses to gender-based violence across Europe.