The Irish Government is preparing a new savings and investment scheme that is expected to be announced during the next Budget. The main political figure behind the proposal is Mr Simon Harris, who is currently serving as Ireland’s Minister for Finance, with the Department of Finance also heavily involved in designing this plan.
New Savings & Investment Scheme.
The Government says the aim is to encourage ordinary people to invest their savings instead of leaving large amounts of money sitting in low-interest bank accounts. Ministers believe Irish households are holding billions of euro in cash savings that could earn better returns through investment funds or shares.
Under the proposal being discussed, people could place money into a special investment account that would receive major tax advantages. Reports suggest the Government is looking at a Swedish-style model where profits and gains from investments would either face very low tax or possibly no capital gains tax at all.
Supporters of the idea say this could help middle-income families grow their savings faster and make investing less complicated. Mr Simon Harris has argued that Ireland’s current taxes on investments are too high and discourage people from investing for the future.
However, several economists are warning that the plan may mainly benefit wealthier households. Their argument is simple: people with large amounts of spare cash will gain the biggest tax savings because they can afford to invest much more money. Families struggling with rent, mortgages, childcare, or daily expenses may not be able to take advantage of the scheme at all.
Critics also fear the State could lose a significant amount of tax revenue. Taxes collected from investments help fund public services such as hospitals, schools, transport, and housing. If investment profits become lightly taxed, the Government may collect less money in future years. Economists describe this as creating “another hole in the tax bucket” because less money would flow into the State, while the largest benefits would go to those already financially comfortable.
The debate now centres on fairness. The Government sees the proposal as a way to modernise Irish savings and encourage people to build wealth. Critics believe it risks increasing inequality by rewarding people who already have money while reducing funds available for public services.
Here In Thurles we keep street lights on for 24 hours each day, but after all Thurles is considered the Dubai of the Midlands. At the price of electricity in Ireland, the collective lamp posts in Liberty Square are now basically a single chandelier. Sure with lights blazing morning, noon and night, tourists, the few we attract, must think Thurles has struck oil sucked from the numerous existing potholes. Maybe the council just wants to prove Tipperary is rolling in money: “Can’t fix the roads lads, but by God you’ll be able to see every crack in them at 10:00am mid-morning.”
Seriously; all joking aside, Irish households are once again being hammered by some of the highest electricity costs in the European Union and ordinary families are right to ask: what exactly are we getting in return?
According to new figures from Eurostat, Ireland now has the highest household electricity prices in the EU, with consumers paying a staggering 40.42 cent per kilowatt-hour. That is almost 40% above the EU average of 28.96 cent. The average Irish household is now paying roughly €480 more per year than other families across Europe.
Government ministers and energy industry insiders continue to offer excuses, blaming geography, housing patterns, population growth, and even the war in Ukraine. But after years of soaring bills, the public deserves more than excuses. It deserves accountability.
Yes, Ireland is a relatively small island with a dispersed rural population. Yes, our electricity grid needs investment. But many of these issues have been known for decades. Instead of planning ahead, successive governments failed to build an energy system capable of supporting modern demand.
The result? Irish consumers are paying the price for years of poor infrastructure planning and political indecision.
One of the biggest failures has been Ireland’s overreliance on gas. More than 40% of our electricity is still generated using gas, leaving the country dangerously exposed to international price shocks. When gas prices surged following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Irish consumers were left uniquely vulnerable. Countries that invested heavily in nuclear, hydro, or long-term renewable infrastructure now enjoy far lower electricity costs. Ireland, meanwhile, continues to depend on expensive fossil fuels while talking endlessly about future green ambitions.
Even more frustrating is the pressure placed on the grid by the rapid expansion of energy-hungry data centres. While multinational tech companies benefit from Ireland’s favourable tax environment, ordinary households are left footing the bill for the extra strain on infrastructure. Families struggling to heat their homes should not be subsidising the energy demands of billion-dollar corporations.
Then there is the issue of interconnection. Ireland remains poorly connected to European electricity markets, with only limited links to the UK. A new interconnector with France is not expected until 2028. For years, experts warned that Ireland’s isolation would leave consumers exposed to higher prices, and once again, those warnings were ignored.
Meanwhile, energy companies continue to post strong profits while customers face relentless price hikes. The promises of “temporary increases” have become permanent reality. Even after multiple government energy credits and VAT reductions, Irish electricity remains among the most expensive in Europe.
The real scandal is not just the cost itself; it is the normalisation of these costs. Irish consumers are constantly told high prices are unavoidable, yet many other European countries manage to provide cheaper, more stable energy. Hungary, Malta, and Bulgaria all have dramatically lower household electricity costs.
At some point, the conversation must move beyond explanations and toward solutions. Ireland needs serious long-term investment in renewable generation, stronger energy security, faster grid upgrades, and far greater scrutiny of how energy policy impacts ordinary citizens.
Because right now, Irish households are not simply paying more for electricity; they are paying the price for years of failed energy policy.
The Irish Government has introduced a new suite of multimedia materials, including engaging videos, to help children better understand family justice processes in a clear and age-appropriate way. These resources are specifically designed for children aged 8 to 12 who may be going through family changes such as separation or divorce, or whose parents are involved in family court proceedings.
This initiative forms part of the broader reform of Ireland’s family justice system under the Family Justice Strategy 2022–2025. The strategy aims to reshape the system so that it places a stronger emphasis on the needs, rights, and voices of children, recognising their central role in many family law matters.
The newly launched video series is available online via a dedicated government webpage and can also be accessed through the Department of Justice, Home Affairs and Migration’s YouTube channel. The project received financial support from the Dormant Accounts Fund and aligns with the strategy’s priority of “Supporting Children.”
A key objective of the strategy is to ensure children have access to clear, understandable information about family justice processes. This includes helping them grasp how decisions are made, how those decisions may affect them, and how their own views can be heard and considered.
To achieve this, the Government reviewed existing information available to young people and identified ways to improve how such information is delivered. The result is a series of child-friendly materials that explain legal processes and outcomes in a way that is accessible and appropriate for younger audiences.
The development of these resources involved collaboration with government agencies, NGOs, service providers, and relevant departments, including education and children’s services. Importantly, the content was also shaped by direct consultation with children who have experienced family separation, ensuring the materials reflect their perspectives and needs.
A Rich Country Begging for €8: What SVP’s TV Appeal Reveals About Ireland’s Broken Model.
There is something profoundly uncomfortable about watching an advert from Society of St. Vincent de Paul on Irish television, asking for just €8 a month to help Irish children. Not because the request is unreasonable, but because it is necessary in the first place. In Ireland, one of the wealthiest countries in the world, a charity is asking ordinary people to fund basic childhood needs. That should stop and sicken us in our tracks.
The Quiet Power of SVP For generations, SVP has been one of Ireland’s most trusted safety nets, quietly visiting homes, paying bills, buying food, and restoring dignity where the system on our Island falls short. Their work is not theoretical; it is immediate and it is human. Now, for the first time, they have launched a major TV campaign focused on Irish child poverty. It is not subtle. It is not abstract. It is a direct appeal to the public to act. The message is simple: “Give €8 a month to stop poverty hurting children”. The campaign highlights a stark truth, over one in five children in Ireland experiences deprivation, the highest of any age group and that statistic alone should be politically explosive. Instead, it has become normalised.
The Reality Behind the Advert. SVP’s appeal is not about charity, it is about failure elsewhere. Their own research shows, that child poverty has surged dramatically, rising from 4.8% to 8.5% in just a single year. Income supports for older children meet only 64% of actual needs. The cost of a basic standard of living has risen by 18.8% since 2020. This is not marginal hardship. It is systemic.
Children are hungry. Homes are cold. Parents are cutting essentials so their children can eat. These are not isolated cases, they are widespread enough to justify a national TV campaign.
Let’s Be Blunt: This Is a Political Failure, there is no polite way to say this.
This situation did not arise by accident. It is the result of policy choices made repeatedly over decades. Successive governments, led primarily by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and by those who supported them namely Labour, The Greens, Lowry’s Independants; latter who chose:- • To rely on the private market to deliver housing. • To underinvest in social housing for years. • To allow essential costs (rent, childcare, energy) to spiral. • To patch over problems with temporary payments rather than structural reform.
Even now, Budget 2026 offers increases, but they fall short of what families actually need. That is not an accident. That is a choice.
The Core Problem: Ireland Is Expensive, Not Poor. Ireland does not have a ‘lack-of-money’ problem. It has a ‘cost-of-living’ problem. The state redistributes income reasonably well, but it does almost nothing to control the cost of essentials: •Housing is among the most expensive in Europe. • Energy costs remain elevated. • Childcare is prohibitively expensive. • Everyday goods have risen sharply.
So what happens? The government gives with one hand, and the market takes with the other. The result is predictable, families fall short. Perhaps the most disturbing shift is this, people who are working; sometimes full-time, are now turning to SVP. This is not traditional poverty. This is a system malfunction. When employment no longer guarantees a basic standard of living, something fundamental has broken.
Charity is becoming structural as SVP handled hundreds of thousands of requests for help in recent years. That is not emergency support anymore, that is parallel welfare. Let’s be honest about what this means; the Irish system is now quietly outsourcing part of its social responsibility to charities, and charities, no matter how good, cannot replace the State.
Where We Should Be Heading Ireland does not need minor tweaks. It needs a shift in direction. Housing must be treated as infrastructure. The state must build at scale, tens of thousands of homes annually; not rely on private developers to solve a public crisis. Reduce costs, not just increase payments. Throwing money at people, while leaving rents and childcare untouched is futile. Costs must come down. Benchmark Social Welfare to Reality. Supports should be tied to the actual cost of living, not political compromise. Invest in Children Directly. Free school meals throughout, reduced education costs, and meaningful child supports should be universal.
The Political Courage Question. None of this is impossible but it does requires confronting uncomfortable truths: •Property values may stabilise or fall. •Investors may lose out. •Government spending must increase. That is the trade-off and for years, Irish politics has chosen to avoid it.
Final Thought: What the €8 Really Means. The €8 in that SVP advert is not just a donation. It is a signal. It tells us that:– The system is not working. The gap between wealth and lived reality is widening and ordinary people are being asked to bridge that gap themselves.
SVP deserves enormous respect. Their work is compassionate, effective, and essential, but they should not have to do this at scale in a country like Ireland. When a wealthy nation relies on charity to meet children’s basic needs, the problem is not charity, it is policyand until that changes, the adverts will keep coming.
It was with a great personal sadness that I learned of the passing of prominent senior Irish journalist, history teacher, author and producer, Mr Brendan O’Brien at the age of 82. Same marks the loss of a remarkable figure whose influence reached far beyond the world of media.
The Late Mr Brendan O’Brien.
I first encountered Mr O’Brien in the late 1960s, when he was my history teacher during my final secondary school years. He carried himself with a quiet confidence, never seeking attention, yet commanding respect effortlessly. His lessons were always thoughtfully prepared, and through both his teaching and daily interactions, it became clear that he was a man of deep honesty. His words were simple, direct, and sincere, never crafted to impress, only to reflect truth. That authenticity earned the instinctive trust of his students, and it was from him that I personally developed a lifelong love of history.
Integrity defined him. He stood firmly by his beliefs, never swayed by convenience or the need for approval. At our boarding school, he introduced the first debating society, organising one of its earliest public debates in 1969, on Ireland’s proposed entry into the European Union; a debate in which I spoke against the motion.
Mr O’Brien’s abilities were equally striking. Sharp-minded and adaptable, he approached challenges with determination and focus, consistently turning effort into meaningful achievement. He was never loud or boastful, yet his presence was always felt.
From 1974 to 2002, he became a respected reporter on RTÉ One Prime Time, producing notable documentaries on the IRA. One particularly significant moment in his career was his decision to follow and confront Mr Martin Cahill, “The General”, on camera in the street, reflecting his fearless approach to journalism.
I later met him again in the canteen at RTÉ. Recognising me immediately, he invited me to record my first voice-over for Hall’s Pictorial Weekly. He handed me a short script requiring an American accent, and I was paid £17 for just 15 minutes’ work, a memorable and generous gesture at the time.
In 1983, he received a Jacob’s Award for his reporting on ‘Today Tonight‘, one of many honours he earned for his investigative journalism. After retiring from RTÉ, he continued to contribute meaningfully through lectures on the Northern Ireland conflict and the peace process.
As an author, he wrote The Long War: The IRA and Sinn Féin, and the children’s book The Story of Ireland, which won the Irish Children’s Book of the Year Award in 2008. “The Long War“ tells the story of the IRA and Sinn Fein from their beginnings right up to the Good Friday Agreement in Easter 1998 and beyond. It tracks the IRA’s military strategy, their bombing and killing campaign, coupled with massive arms supplies from Libya and the long, torturous, at times secret, journey led by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness through two ceasefires to a negotiated compromise. The Long War contains major source material and details the roles of key peacemakers in Ireland, Britain and America and also of the dissident militarists who intend continuing the war against Britain.
“The Story of Ireland” begins ‘After the Ice’ and lasts 9000 years. It tells the story of the whole island and its people. The book’s 27 chapters chronicle the big picture of invasions, wars, Christianity, famine and a divided island, mixed with tales of Celtic head hunters, mysterious stone tombs, the Vikings, the black death, life in castles, the Titanic tragedy, music, mobiles and computers. When it ends a new story is just beginning.
Our paths crossed again when he visited the former now closed Great Famine and War Museum in Thurles, County Tipperary, where he attended a lecture I gave on World War II, during a visit by a Fine Gael Minister.
A graduate of Trinity College Dublin and the University of Ulster, he later worked with Newstalk from 2005 to 2010, presenting ‘The Saturday Edition‘.
Mr Brendan O’Brien is survived by his wife, five children, and three grandchildren. He will be remembered not only for his distinguished career, but for the quiet strength, integrity, and inspiration he brought to all who knew him.
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