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EPA Projections Show Ireland Remains Off Track For 2030 Climate Targets.

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has today published its greenhouse gas emission projections for the period 2025-2055.

  • Ireland’s greenhouse gas emissions could achieve a reduction of up to 25% by 2030, compared to a national target of 51%, with full implementation of a wide range of policies and plans across all sectors.
  • Ireland will be close to meeting the first carbon budget, but nearly all sectors are on track to exceed their sectoral emissions ceilings for the second carbon budget by 2030.
  • Ireland is projected to exceed its EU Effort Sharing Regulation target of 42% reduction by 2030. EPA projects a maximum reduction of 23%.
  • With less than four years left to 2030, there must be a strong focus on implementation of policies and measures to meet climate targets which will deliver wide-ranging benefits from environmental protection, supporting public health and wellbeing and reducing Ireland’s dependence on fossil fuels.

EPA analysis shows that Ireland’s planned climate policies and measures could deliver reductions of up to 25% of emissions by 2030, compared to 2018 levels. Assessment of the latest information provided by Governmental bodies and sector representatives indicates that the gap to target is widening in some sectors of the economy, while narrowing in others.

Ireland’s greenhouse gas emissions are projected to be close to meeting the first Carbon Budget (2021-2025) of 295 Mt CO2eq. The second budget is projected to be exceeded by a significant margin of 53 to 82 Mt CO2eq.

Transport, Industry and the Buildings (Commercial and Public) sectors are projected to be the furthest from achieving their sectoral emission ceilings in 2030. Agriculture emissions are projected to reduce by up to 19%.

Dr Eimear Cotter, EPA Director General, said: “The EPA’s projections show that the current rate of delivery of the Climate Action Plan and associated policies could reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25% by 2030 – only half of the reductions needed. While greenhouse gas emissions are declining, European and national emission reduction targets are projected to be missed. There must be a renewed focus on delivering the actions to meet Ireland’s climate targets which will be a significant challenge given the short timeframe to 2030.”

Dr Cotter added: “Meeting these targets will deliver multiple benefits. These include reducing Ireland’s reliance on fossil fuels in electricity, transport and heating and strengthening national energy security and resilience. Achieving these emission reductions will also improve public health, provide green employment and protect our environment. Overall, these trends demonstrate that progress is achievable but accelerating delivery is critical. Renewable energy is now expected to provide nearly 60% of Ireland’s electricity by 2030. It is imperative given the increasing demand for electricity across several sectors, that renewables are delivered at the pace and scale required to meet this demand.”

Agriculture.
Depending on the level of implementation of measures outlined in Government policies and plans, total emissions from the Agriculture sector will decrease between 4% and 19% over the period of 2018 to 2030. Changes in nitrogen fertiliser usage, switching to different fertilisers and lower anticipated livestock numbers contribute to projected emissions savings. A direct comparison of the Agriculture sector against its absolute Sectoral Emission Ceiling is no longer possible given recent scientific updates to baseline historical agriculture emissions.

Transport.
Emissions from Transport are projected to reduce by up to 28% over the period 2018 to 2030, if the measures set out in plans and policies are implemented. These include at least 751,000 electric vehicles on the road by 2030, increased biofuel blend rates and measures to support more sustainable transport.

Residential Emissions.
Emissions from fuel combustion for home and hot water heating are projected to decrease by up to 18% by 2030. Lower uptake of home energy improvement measures, including planned heat pump installation in existing dwellings, has lowered predictions for emissions savings by 2030.

Industry.
Fuel combustion in manufacturing is the primary source of emissions in this sector; emissions from mineral, chemical and metal industries contribute the next largest portion. Emissions from this sector are projected to reduce by 12% over the period 2018 to 2030.

Energy.
Continued rollout of renewable electricity generation to provide 52% – 59% of Ireland’s electricity by 2030 as well as increased importation of electricity from interconnectors, are contributing to reductions in Ireland’s emissions. However, delayed delivery of planned renewable energy projects such as offshore wind have lowered potential emissions savings by 2030.

Land use.
Emissions from this sector are projected to increase between 4% to 72% over the period of 2018 to 2030 as Irish forestry reaches harvesting age, and shifts from being a carbon sink to a source of emissions. Planned policies and measures for the sector, such as increased afforestation, water table management on agricultural organic soils and peatland rehabilitation are projected to reduce the extent of the emissions increase.

Commenting, Dr Conor Quinlan, Programme Manager said: “The shortfall to our 2030 targets is narrowing in some sectors, for example emissions in the Transport sector are now projected to reduce by up to 28%. Encouragingly, projections for electric vehicle uptake has improved, reflecting growing confidence in the transition to cleaner transport. In contrast, the gap is widening in others such as the Residential sector which is projected now to reduce by up to 18%. It is imperative that ambition and action is maintained across all sectors if we are to meet our targets and realise the benefits of decarbonisation for our society.”

For further detail on these figures, see the EPA report Greenhouse Gas Emission Projections 2025 to 2055 and EPA Greenhouse Gas web resource on the EPA website.

Occupied Territories Bill, Martin Chooses Responsibility Over Political Opposition Rhetoric.

Senator Frances Black’s maximalism is no substitute for serious government and Micheál Martin is right to put Ireland’s interests before current Sinn Féin and opposition political theatre.

Taoiseach Micheál Martin deserves much credit for bringing a measure to Cabinet that is possibly legally focused, diplomatically serious, and economically responsible. In limiting the Israeli Settlements Bill to goods rather than extending it to services, he has done what responsible governments are supposed to do; distinguish between what is politically satisfying and what is actually implementable.

Taoiseach Mr Micheál Martin.

There is a world of difference between taking a symbolic stand and passing workable law. A ban on goods from Israeli settlements can be monitored through customs, import records, product origin and enforcement mechanisms already known to the State. It is narrow, targeted and legally intelligible. A services ban, by contrast, would be a minefield. What exactly is a settlement-linked service? A hotel booking? A cloud contract? A software licence? A payment platform? A professional service? A mapping tool? A multinational with branches in Ireland, Israel and the United States could easily be caught in a web of uncertainty.

That is why Micheál Martin’s warning matters. Ireland is not an isolated moral debating society. It is a small, open economy whose prosperity depends heavily on foreign direct investment, especially from American multinationals. To dismiss those concerns is not bravery; it is total recklessness. A government that casually exposes Irish jobs, tax revenue and diplomatic relationships to avoidable risk is not acting in solidarity with anyone. It is indulging in gesture politics at the taxpayers expense.

What has the now recovering but once alcohol dependent Senator Frances Black actually achieved in nearly ten years in the Seanad, apart from making opposition to Israel the centrepiece of her political identity? She has introduced bills and spoken on worthy causes, but there is little evidence of major, enacted legislation bearing her name that has transformed life for ordinary Irish people.
On the otherhand, Micheál Martin is accountable for the national interest; Senator Black is free to pursue activist politics without carrying the same responsibility for Irish jobs, Irish investment, diplomacy or Ireland’s relationship with the United States. That is the difference between government and protest.

This is where Senator Frances Black and others in the opposition are wrong. Their demand to include services may sound stronger, but stronger rhetoric is not the same as stronger law. It is easy, from the opposition benches, to denounce, condemn and demand the maximum possible measure. It is harder to govern, to take legal advice seriously, and to protect the national interest, while still making a principled foreign policy statement.

Senator Black has been consistent on this issue, and consistency is not in itself a fault. But her criticism of the Government’s bill as a “partial ban” misses the central point. Partial laws are often better than performative laws that collapse under legal challenge or produce unintended economic damage. The question is not whether a services ban sounds morally satisfying. The question is whether it can be defined, enforced and defended without harming Ireland more than the target it is aimed at. Micheál Martin has answered that question honestly.

Ireland also needs to be careful not to slide from criticism of settlements into an attitude of hostility toward Israel itself. Israel is a democratic state facing real security threats, including terrorism, regional hostility and the trauma of repeated attacks on its citizens. One does not have to agree with every Israeli government policy to recognise Israel’s right to exist, defend itself, trade, innovate and maintain normal diplomatic relations with democratic countries like Ireland.

Too much of the Irish debate has lost that balance. There is often immense passion for condemning Israel, but far less energy for acknowledging Israeli suffering, Israeli security fears, or the fact that peace will require negotiation, not one-sided denunciation. When Irish politicians speak as though pressure on Israel alone will solve the conflict, they offer the public a dangerously simplified picture.

Micheál Martin’s approach is more mature. He has supported Palestinian statehood. He has backed international legal processes. He has criticised Israeli actions where he believes criticism is warranted. But he has also recognised that Ireland must act within the limits of law, competence and economic reality. That is real statesmanship. It is not cowardice. It is the difference between governing or campaigning in support of terrorism.

The opposition’s approach risks turning Ireland’s foreign policy into a theatre of moral absolutism. The loudest voice is not always the wisest. The most punitive proposal is not always the most just. The most dramatic amendment is not always the most effective law. Senator Black and her allies should ask themselves whether they want legislation that can actually pass and operate, or whether they prefer a slogan that makes them feel righteous while leaving Ireland exposed.

There is also a wider diplomatic danger. Ireland has already developed a reputation in Israel and among many supporters of Israel as being disproportionately hostile. A goods-only bill is controversial enough. Expanding it to services could deepen that perception, damage Ireland’s relationship with Israel, and invite serious concern from the United States. A small country must choose its battles carefully. Moral conviction is important, but so is prudence.

Supporting Micheál Martin on this issue does not require abandoning compassion for Palestinians. It requires accepting that good intentions are not enough. Law must be clear. Enforcement must be realistic. Economic consequences must be weighed. Diplomatic relationships must be protected. And Israel, whatever criticisms may be made of its government, should not be treated as a pariah by a country that benefits enormously from international trade, technology and democratic alliances.

Micheál Martin has taken the responsible course. He has advanced a small targeted measure, while refusing to be pushed into an unworkable services ban. Senator Frances Black; Sinn Féin and that dwindling Trotskyist political party known as “People Before Profit”, together with others in opposition may prefer the politics of maximalism, but Ireland needs the politics of seriousness.

Mr Micheál Martin should travel to Israel, not to apologise for Ireland’s principles, but to repair a badly damaged relationship and make clear that Ireland is not anti-Jewish, anti-Israel, or indifferent to Israeli suffering. He should meet Israeli leaders, hostage families, survivors of the October 7th attacks, Irish-Israeli citizens, and Jewish community representatives. Such a visit would show that Ireland can criticise particular Israeli policies without demonising Israel itself, and that serious diplomacy means speaking directly to both sides rather than grandstanding from a distance.
A Taoiseachial visit to Israel, ideally alongside some engagement with Palestinian representatives, would be an act of real statesmanship; firm on Ireland’s values, respectful of Israel’s security and trauma, and determined to rebuild trust, where Irish political opposition rhetoric has done real damage.

But for God sake leave the gullible Mr Simon Harris; Mrs Helen McEntee and our President Mrs Catherine Connolly at home.


Ireland Completes Charter Removal Flight To Poland and Lithuania.

The Irish Government has confirmed that a charter flight removal operation, involving 34 EU nationals, has been completed.

The cost of providing the aircraft for this operation was €184,465 excluding VAT. Charter flight services are provided by Air Partner Ltd under a contract awarded in November 2024, following an open and competitive procurement process.

The group, made up of 22 Polish nationals and 12 Lithuanian nationals, were removed from the State on grounds of criminality. All 34 individuals were men, ranging in age from their 20s to their 60s, and had received custodial sentences for various criminal offences.

Removal Orders were enforced under the Free Movement Directive, with re-entry bans of up to 10 years imposed in order to prevent their return to Ireland.

The charter flight departed Dublin Airport today, Sunday 24th May 2026. It landed first in Warsaw, Poland, at approximately 3:45pm Irish time, before continuing to Vilnius, Lithuania, where it arrived at approximately 5:50pm Irish time.

This latest operation brings the total number of people removed under the Free Movement Directive in 2026 to 88. By comparison, 56 individuals were removed under the Directive during all of 2025.

The operation was carried out in close cooperation with An Garda Síochána and the Irish Prison Service. Garda personnel, medical staff, interpreters and a human rights observer accompanied those removed on the flight.

Including this operation, three charter flights have taken place so far in 2026, resulting in the removal of 130 people from the State. Of these, 67 were EU citizens removed on grounds of criminality.

Under Irish and EU law, EU, EEA and Swiss citizens have the right to move and reside freely across member states. However, the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration may issue removal and exclusion orders where an individual is deemed to pose a genuine, present and sufficiently serious threat to public policy, public security or public health.

River Suir in Thurles: Fine Words Are Not Enough.

River Suir in Thurles; Fine words are not enough, while the river Suir remains in a state of further decline.

Looking skyward from Barry’s Bridge in Thurles, my eyes are drawn to the golden Laburnum I planted there in 1989, now grown into the full grace of maturity. Along the eastern bank of the River Suir, the Hawthorn too is in bloom, softening the riverside walkway with its delicate spring beauty.
Yet, for all this natural splendour, the exposed bed of the Suir successfully dims the scene, drawing the eye away from the quiet enchantment of tree, blossom, bridge, and river.

Reading a local newspaper report recently, one wonders, has Cllr Mrs Kay Cahill Skehan actually walked along the River Suir in Thurles recently and has she observed the current condition it is in?

The video shown below is only a small example of what people in Thurles are expected to look at: shopping trolleys dumped, plastic, debris, waste caught along the banks, and a general appearance that is simply unacceptable for a river running through the heart of a busy historic, midland town.

Two very large piles of shredded timber are currently located, dumped within approximately half a metre of the river’s edge, following recent tree-pruning works in the area.

This presents a serious environmental and flood-related risk. In the event of heavy rainfall or flooding over the coming months, the lightweight shredded timber is likely to float and be carried downstream. Once saturated, the material may also release tannins, resins and other wood leachate into the water, which can degrade water quality and harm aquatic life. Research on wood residue near aquatic environments notes that wood leachate can have harmful effects on fish and aquatic habitats.
As both piles appear to be located within a flood-risk area and immediately adjacent to the riverbank, they should be removed and relocated without delay. If immediate removal is not possible, the piles should at minimum be securely covered with heavy-duty tarpaulin and properly weighted or fastened to prevent displacement during heavy rain or rising water levels.
We won’t mention the nice piles of logs, as some smart individual might decide to bag them for use as firing next winter.

Whatever other effluent is being washed into the river water, same forms a rich soapy caught by the overhanging vegetation..

We have reported this matter to the Local Authority and request that urgent action be taken to prevent potential pollution, obstruction, and downstream environmental damage.

Cllr Mrs Cahill Skehan is correct when she says the River Suir is a huge issue for Thurles. She is also correct in stating that people notice it more when water levels drop. But the people of Thurles do not need more sympathy. What they crave is action.

There is also a wider issue here. Her brother, former Fianna Fáil TD and former Chair of the Oireachtas Agriculture Committee Mr Jackie Cahill, recently appointed Chairperson of the National Milk Agency by Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine Martin Heydon in April 2026, was also a prominent critic of the reduction in Ireland’s nitrates derogation from 250kg to 220kg organic nitrogen per hectare, warning of serious consequences for the dairy sector.

Indeed, no one sector should carry all the blame. But we also have to be honest. Nitrogen leaching, nitrates, agricultural run-off and intensive land use are a major part of the water-quality problem in the River Suir.
Farmers cannot be blamed for shopping trolleys dumped in the River Suir, but agriculture cannot be written out of the wider pollution picture either.

So where does that leave Thurles?
It leaves us with a river that is visibly neglected, environmentally under pressure, and politically talked about for the last 15 years with absolutely no action being taken.
Local Authority Waters Programme officials, (LAWPRO), may be sampling water. Reports may be being written. Presentations may be being given, but no one needs a scientific investigation to view shopping trolleys in the river. No one needs a catchment study to identify rubbish, plastic, clothing and debris sitting in plain sight. This is the work of highly paid Municipal District officials.

If Cllr Mrs Cahill Skehan is serious about the River Suir being an issue for Thurles, then the question must be asked; what immediate action is being demanded from Tipperary County Council and the other relevant authorities, to clean what is clearly visible today?
The public are tired of hearing that “work is ongoing”, while the river remains a total eyesore.

Thurles deserves better than this. The River Suir should be an asset to the town, not something people are embarrassed to walk past, holding their noses.

Responsibility must be shared, yes; but responsibility must also be acted upon.

Thurles Towns Quarter-Mile Obstacle Course.

Thurles Quarter-Mile Obstacle Course: Where Bollards Go To Die & Traffic Lights Go To Retire.

In a town famous for heritage, history and sturdy stonework, it is reassuring to see that the local Municipal District Council is doing its best to add a modern attraction; a quarter-mile stretch of road furniture carnage.

Weigh, Hey and Up She Rises for the second time in 6 weeks.

Above we have the full civic experience. Silver bollards, nobly installed to protect pedestrians, are flattened by vehicles, replaced lovingly back into the exact same spot, and then, in a plot twist visible from space, flattened again. One might call it maintenance. Others might call it a subscription service for bollards.

Pedestrian lights on sabbatical.

Meanwhile, two pedestrian crossings, at Cathedral Street and Parnell Street, have been non-functional for over six weeks after being struck by high sided vehicles. Six weeks is a long time in traffic-light years. By now, those lights are not just broken; they are on sabbatical. Perhaps they are taking time out to reflect on their career choices, or waiting for a council committee to confirm that pedestrians do, in fact, still exist in Thurles.

Cork is that way… or is it!

The road signs are putting in an equally spirited performance, (See above). Some are totally missing, (Kickham Street), some are pointing the wrong way, and others seem to have adopted a more philosophical approach to navigation: “Cork is that way… probably.” A driver looking for Cashel, Cork, the Horse and Jockey, or basic municipal competence may need not a map, but a medium.

All of this is squeezed into a stretch of roughly a quarter of a mile (402 metres); a compact showcase of avoidable repairs, repeat damage and public money being sent out to do laps. The council’s own roads services information says local authorities deal with road surface maintenance and road markings, while road signs are listed among roads and transport services provided and maintained by local authorities. The relevant Thurles Municipal District office also lists roads contact arrangements, including an out-of-hours roads number.

Which makes the current scene all the more impressive. It is not neglect in one location. It is neglect with choreography. Bollard down, bollard up, bollard down again. Crossing broken, still broken, somehow even more broken. Sign missing, sign twisted, sign auditioning for interpretive dance.

Perhaps there is a master plan. Perhaps the district is trialling a new “guess-your-own-junction” traffic system. Perhaps the bollards are part of a renewable metal initiative: install, destroy, invoice, repeat. Perhaps the non-working crossings are intended to encourage eye contact between pedestrians and motorists, in the same way cliff edges encourage balance.

But to the ordinary resident, pedestrian, driver, parent, visitor or ratepayer, it looks rather simpler: a dangerous, shabby and expensive mess being allowed to continue in plain sight.

Thurles deserves better than road safety by “shrug”. It deserves crossings that work, signs that point where they are meant to, and bollards that are not repeatedly sacrificed like shiny stainless-steel offerings to the gods of poor planning.

At this stage, the council should either fix the problem properly or install a tourist information plaque:

“Welcome to Thurles Municipal Money-Go-Round:
Please mind the bollards. They won’t be here long.”