For almost a century, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have run this country. Between them, they’ve provided stability, managed the economy, and kept Ireland close to Europe. They’ve done plenty right, and deserve credit for steering clear of the angry, far-right politics we see elsewhere.
But the world has changed, and the old politics of careful management simply isn’t cutting it anymore. People are tired of polite promises and slow progress. They want answers, and a bit of honesty.
Ireland – The land of rolling green hills, magical castles, and unspoken truth.
What They Got Right. To be fair, both parties handled the economy well after our economic downturn (2008–2013), caused in part by the collapse of an unsustainable property and construction bubble that had formed during the preceding “Celtic Tiger” boom years. Fine Gael’s focus on jobs and recovery restored international trust, while Fianna Fáil’s old instinct for pragmatism helped Ireland grow out of poverty and into prosperity. Also their shared commitment to the EU has been a huge advantage. Foreign investment has powered our economy and created real opportunity and on paper, that’s success. But a country isn’t just measured by GDP, it’s measured by how people live, and that’s where the Irish right keeps falling short.
The Big Disconnect. The housing crisis has exposed the limits of their thinking. For years, both parties have insisted that the market will sort it out. It hasn’t. Rents are out of control, first-time buyers are priced out, and homelessness is rising. When people try to raise these issues, they run into another problem, the government’s communication gap. You send an email to a TD or department and you get a polite automated acknowledgement, but it ends there. You get no reply and questions are not answered. That kind of political politeness has become a symbol of the wider problem: leaders who appear to listen but don’t actually hear.
Two Parties, One Message. Once upon a time, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael fought over ideas. Today, they’re practically interchangeable. Both are pro-business, pro-Europe, cautious and allergic to risk. Their coalition might keep things calm, but it also keeps them stuck. Yes, voters notice. Many aren’t looking for revolution, just for someone who speaks clearly, admits mistakes, and offers real solutions and public discussion.
Time to Reconnect. Ireland still badly needs a strong, sensible centre-right. Financial discipline and good management are important. But so are empathy, imagination, and communication.
If Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael want to survive the next decade, they’ll need to do more than manage, they’ll need to lead. That means tackling housinghead-on, cutting through bureaucracy, and giving straight answers when people ask fair questions. In 2025, “steady as she goes“ isn’t enough. People want to be heard. They want a government that talks straight, acts fast, and most importantly actually deliver the goods.
Until that happens, the old parties will remain what they’ve become: solid, safe, while slowly losing touch.
The Problem with Ireland’s Political Left: Fragmentation, Credibility, and the Lost Connection.
Despite theatrical, showy public anger over housing and other inequality, the Irish left political parties remains more comfortable complaining rather than being convincing, and far from ready to govern in Ireland.
Ireland’s political left has no shortage of dramatic stagey passion, but it still struggles to turn this melodramatic anger into any real power. Despite widespread frustration over housing, healthcare, and inequality, the left remains divided and uncertain of itself. Labour, Sinn Féin, the Social Democrats, and People Before Profit all claim to represent change, yet together they look like a movement more comfortable at public protesting rather than governing a population of 6 million people.
Ireland – The land of rolling green hills, magical castles, and unspoken truth.
Division. Their biggest weakness is division. The left parties spend too much time competing with one another and not enough time convincing the public that they can actually work together. Labour has never recovered from its time in government sleeping with Fine Gael in their desire for power, losing the trust of the lower wage earner, the working man. Sinn Féin, thrives on anger and grievance, but falters when confronted with the practicalities of governance and currently relies heavily on dramatic outrage. Whether it can ever evolve from a party of perpetual opposition into one capable of realistic, credible governance, remains a defining question within Irish politics, while being led by Mrs Mary Louise McDonald. Social Democrats are seen as certainly decent and honest, embodying the politics of competency, well-meaning, and yes serious about reform, yet that very moderation has become their biggest weakness. In a political landscape hungry for power, the party too often projects caution. It offers civility where voters increasingly crave conviction. People Before Profit are loud in opposition, but have little to say about how they would actually run a country. They occupy the far-left edge of Irish politics, a party defined more by its opposition to the system than by any credible vision for governing within it. Rooted in a Marxist tradition that distrusts compromise, it offers uncertainty rather than solutions, a politics of perpetual protest that often mistakes volume for influence. Its activism energises a small but committed base, but successfully isolates the party from the broader electorate.
Credibility Then there’s credibility, or the lack of it. The left is quick to criticise the failures of the system but less convincing when it comes to offering practical, costed solutions. Sinn Féin’s plans often sound ambitious but don’t always add up. Labour still talks about fairness but hasn’t rebuilt trust. The Social Democrats offer steady ideas, but rarely bold ones. Voters may agree with what the left says, but many still doubt it can manage the economy or deliver real results.
Connection with working people. The third problem is a loss of connection with working people. The left once spoke naturally for ordinary workers and families. Now, many of those same people see left-wing parties as out of touch or too focused on cultural debates. In towns and rural areas especially, the left can sound more like it’s talking down, rather than listening.
Narrowness There’s also a narrowness in how the modern Irish left sees the world. Important issues like gender equality, climate action and diversity are central to its message, but sometimes these are delivered in a way that feels moralistic rather than practical. The left’s language has become too shaped by social media and campus politics, and less by the realities of everyday real life.
In the end, the Irish left has mastered complaint, not delivery. It has plenty of passion but little unity; plenty of slogans but no single vision. As long as its parties define themselves mainly by what they oppose, namely Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, capitalism, or even each other, they will remain on the sidelines while others run the country. The left parties must admit that those ruling have transformed Ireland from one of Europe’s poorest countries into an economic powerhouse, greatly increasing national wealth.
The pattern is clear in today’s politics. Sinn Féin’s rise has stalled, as voters, the silent people, question how an angry Mr Pearse Doherty would actually govern. Labour remains weak and uncertain of its policies. Social Democrats are making progress, but very slowly. People Before Profit continue to protest, but are winning few new supporters as seen in recent test results.
Yes, there is real appetite for change in Ireland, but the left still hasn’t shown that it’s ready to deliver it or even if it can ever provide the goods.
Then yesterday, TippFM Radio lead with the news that Fianna Fáil TD Mr Ryan O’Meara(who hasn’t been in Dáil Éireann a wet week and has achieved nothing since elected), stated that because his party’s chosen candidate Mr Jim Gavin will still be on the ballot paper “he’ll most likely give him No 1, but is undecided on his transfers”. Mr Gavin, as voters will be aware, pulled out of the campaign after it emerged, he knowingly failed, since 2009, to return overpaid rent (some €3,300) to a former tenant.
So here we have two elected TD sitting in our Irish parliament, both threatening to spoil their vote. Have these two powerful gods, who both greatly contribute to political disillusionment, consulted with those who mistakenly voted for them?
Disillusionment with Irish politics is hardly new!
As a presidential election approaches, the temptation to express frustration by spoiling your vote can be strong. Disillusionment with Irish politics is hardly new, and for many voters the choices on offer may indeed feel limited or uninspiring. Yet, while spoiling a vote might seem like an act of protest, it ultimately carries no political weight, and serves only to silence the voter’s own voice.
A spoiled vote is recorded, but not counted. It doesn’t shape the outcome, nor does it send a clear signal of discontent. Political parties and candidates rarely draw meaning from spoiled ballots; they focus instead on the valid votes that determine who wins and who loses. If the aim is to make politicians listen, then a spoiled vote does not achieve it.
Those who advocate spoiling a ballot, serve only their wish to silence you the voter.
Democracy depends on participation. When citizens disengage, the balance of power shifts towards those who do turn out, often the more organised or entrenched interests. Casting a valid vote, even reluctantly, strengthens the democratic process and keeps it fully accountable. With Ireland’s system of proportional representation, every first preference vote can make a difference, particularly in tight local or constituency contests where margins are often slim.
Is to spoil a vote a symbolic statement against a broken political system????
Some “chowderhead’s” argue that spoiling a vote is a symbolic statement against a broken political system. But a spoiled ballot says only what a voter rejects, not what they want. A better form of protest is to vote for candidates that reflect our values more closely. Even a low tally of first-preference votes can shape political debate in future elections.
Let it never be forgotten that the right to vote in Ireland was hard-won. Generations before us fought to secure it, often at great personal risk and death. Choosing not to vote, or to use use your vote in a way that has no effect, diminishes the legacy they granted to the present generation and to future generations.
Ultimately, voting is both a right but also a responsibility. It is an expression of hope that things can change, however slowly. Spoiling a vote may provide psychological relief through the open expression of strong emotions in the moment, but it leaves the field to others to now decide your future.
Remember in a democracy, silence is never the strongest statement.
EU Council Meeting discusses the return of third-country nationals, internal security of the Union, and better supports for Member States responding to emergencies.
Progress made towards agreeing a common European returns system to ensure the swift return of third-country nationals staying unlawfully in the EU.
Focus on strengthening cooperation between Member States to investigate and prosecute serious and organised cross-border crime.
Examination of ways in which the European Union can better coordinate support for Member States responding to natural and human induced emergencies.
Discussion on how to ensure free and open debate while at the same time protecting those involved in politics from threats and violence.
Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, Mr Jim O’Callaghan, met with his European counterparts in Brussels this week to discuss co-operation on migration, internal security and cross-border justice.
During two days of meetings, Ministers for Home Affairs and Migration considered proposals for a common European return system for migrants, latter who have no legal permission to remain in the EU.
Minister O’Callaghan reaffirmed Ireland’s commitment to the initiative, saying: “Ireland is committed to the establishment of a common EU return system that is effective, fair and functional. We will continue to engage with our partners to finalise a robust mechanism to achieve this.”
Ministers also discussed the impact of the conflict in Gaza on EU internal security, with concerns raised about societal divisions and extremism. “While Ireland is not currently experiencing the same levels of polarisation as some other Member States, we share concerns about the rise of racism, antisemitism and Islamophobia,” Minister O’Callaghan said. “Ireland remains committed to promoting equality, inclusiveness and respect for human rights.”
Discussions extended to how the EU can better prepare for and respond to emergencies, including climate-related events. Minister O’Callaghan highlighted Ireland’s experience of EU support following Storm Éowyn, noting that greater cooperation will be vital in the face of growing global challenges.
At the meeting of Justice Ministers, strengthening Eurojust, the EU agency supporting Member States in tackling serious cross-border crime, was a key topic.
“Irish prosecutors and Gardaí have successfully handled many cross-border cases with Eurojust’s support,” the Minister said. “Ireland welcomes efforts to ensure the agency has the resources it needs to continue this vital work.”
Ministers also discussed protecting open political debate while ensuring the safety of public representatives. “Those in public life should not be subjected to personal abuse or intimidation,” Minister O’Callaghan said. “Protecting democracy means protecting the people who serve it.”
Other issues on the agenda included law enforcement access to data, protection of fundamental rights, and simplification of the EU’s regulatory framework.
At the current level of progress, Ireland will fail to meet the EU and national goal of restoring all waters to good or better status by 2027.
Excess nutrients from agriculture, urban wastewater and other human activities remains the biggest challenge, followed by changes to physical habitat conditions.
Just over half (52%) of our surface waters are in satisfactory ecological condition, which is a deterioration from the previous assessment for 2016-2021, where 54% of surface waterbodies met their water quality objectives.
There is evidence that nutrient levels are reducing in areas where actions are being targeted, which is very welcome. The scale and pace of implementation need to be increased.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has today published their flagship Water Quality in Ireland Report 2019-2024, which provides the latest, 3-yearly assessment of the quality of Ireland’s rivers, lakes, estuaries, coastal waters, canals and groundwaters. This assessment includes multiple water quality parameters that are monitored and assessed to give an integrated picture of the condition of our waters. The report shows that, despite improvements in some areas, water quality in Ireland is not as good as it should be and is continuing to decline overall:
River Suir, Thurles, Co. Tipperary Pic: G. Willoughby.
52% of rivers, lakes, estuaries and coastal waters are in a satisfactory ecological condition, which means in good or high ecological status. This is a decline since the 2016-2021 assessment when 54% of surface waters were satisfactory.
Transitional waters, including estuaries and coastal lagoons, are in the poorest condition of any waterbody type, with 70% in an unsatisfactory condition, up from 64% in the last assessment.
92% of groundwaters are in good status. Canals are also in relatively good condition with 87% achieving their water quality targets.
Sewage Pipe flows into River Suir in Thurles Town Centre. Pic: G. Willoughby.
Commenting on the report, Dr Eimear Cotter, Director of the EPA’s Office of Evidence and Assessment, said: “Our rivers, lakes and estuaries are the lifeblood of our landscape and support our ecosystems, and our health and wellbeing. But they are struggling. They do not have the resilience to cope with the challenges they face, now and in the future. Surface water quality overall has been in decline since before the first of these assessments was carried out by the EPA in the late 2000s. It is very disappointing to report that water quality is not improving despite the many actions that are underway, across all sectors. It’s clear the scale and pace of implementation needs to be increased and sustained.” The main pressures impacting on water quality are excess nutrients coming mainly from agriculture, urban wastewater discharges, and damage to the physical condition of water habitats from activities such as land and river drainage, forestry and urban development. The report highlights that there have been improvements in phosphorus levels in our surface waters in areas prioritised for action where the right measures are implemented in the right places to target interventions. There were also reductions in nitrogen levels in many river monitoring sites in recent years, which is welcome. Further reductions will be needed to reach levels that will support healthy ecosystems.
Dr Jenny Deakin, EPA Programme Manager added: “The decreases in phosphorus levels in areas prioritised for action are very welcome. While further reductions will be needed as well as reduction in nitrate levels, this report shines a light on the progress that can be made when actions are targeted. It is essential that better information is collected by all stakeholders, on when and where the actions are being implemented on the ground, to provide better information on how the progress can be accelerated.” Information about local water quality and the pressures impacting it is available at www.catchments.ie
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