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New Chapter For One19 Coffee – Thurles Awaits Opening Tomorrow Morning, April 8th 2026.

On any given weekday in Templemore, Co. Tipperary, the now-familiar sight of a queue outside One19 Coffee House tells its own story; a story of quality, community, and something special quietly brewing.

What began as a modest takeaway coffee spot has grown into a thriving café culture hub, serving everything from expertly crafted coffee to fresh sandwiches, cakes, and vibrant açaí bowls. Over time, it has evolved into a destination, drawing loyal customers, not just from the Templemore area, but from Thurles and across the county.

And Now… Thurles Welcomes One19.
Tomorrow,
April 8th, 2026, marks the beginning of a new chapter.

Welcome One19.

In the beautifully restored Market 54 area, just southeast of The Source Arts Centre building on Cathedral Street, One19 Coffee opens its doors once more, this time bringing its unmistakable charm to the heart of Thurles. There’s something quietly romantic about it; a café that once drew people away from Thurles, now finally arrives to meet them where they are living.

A Place for Mornings, Middays & Moments:
From the very first light of day tomorrow, One19 Thurles will hum with life.
Open 7 days a week.
Weekdays: 7:30am – 5:00pm.
Weekends: Slightly reduced, slower-paced hours.

Just like its Templemore home, it will offer:
Freshly prepared breakfasts and lunches.
Artisan coffee brewed with care.
Sweet treats, light bites and wholesome options.
A space to pause, meet, and simply be
.

More Than A Coffee Shop.
This isn’t just another opening, it feels like a natural continuation of something already loved.
A café built on: Community spirit – Consistency and quality and the simple pleasure of a really good cup of coffee.

Now set against the old historic great famine stonework and the renewed energy of Thurles’ Market Quarter, “One19” is poised to become not just a stop, but a regular supported destination.

Final Thought.
Where once people travelled for One19; now One19 comes to them.
And from tomorrow morning, as the doors open and the first coffees are poured, Thurles will gain something more than a café, it will gain a new gathering place.

Inland Fisheries Ireland – From “Leading Light” To Governance Crisis.

Why Accountability Must Now Rest at the Top of Inland Fisheries Ireland.

Once held up as a model of best practice, Inland Fisheries Ireland (IFI) is now facing one of the most serious governance controversies in recent Irish public sector history. So what went wrong, and how did it go unchecked for so long?

A Reputation Built on Safety Leadership
Back in 2018, IFI stood as a benchmark for excellence. The organisation earned national recognition for its fleet safety standards, with its Logistics Manager receiving a prestigious Road Safety Authority “Leading Light” award. Alongside this, IFI secured a “Van Safe” award, reflecting strong operational controls across a fleet of approximately 200 vehicles supporting critical environmental and enforcement work.
At the time, IFI wasn’t just compliant; it was leading.

A Very Different Picture Emerges
Fast forward to recent years, and that reputation has been fundamentally challenged. Investigations by the Comptroller and Auditor General and scrutiny from the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) have revealed deep-rooted issues, raising serious questions about governance, transparency, and leadership.

The Uninsured Vehicle Incident
At the centre of the controversy is a 2021 road collision in County Donegal involving an IFI vehicle that was not insured. The fallout has been significant, with the employee involved not informed that the vehicle lacked insurance and An Garda Síochána not notified of the issue.
The employee only discovered the truth later through legal correspondence.
Even more concerning, multiple uninsured vehicles were also identified during the same period

Misleading Information and “Drip-Feeding” of Facts.
IFI’s engagement with oversight bodies has also come under sharp criticism.
The PAC was told that the organisation provided “inaccurate” evidence, while committee members raised alarm about incomplete disclosures and a pattern of withholding information. This has led to serious concerns about credibility at senior levels.

A Breakdown in Governance.
What initially appeared to be an isolated incident has instead exposed systemic failures.
A “near-total collapse of governance” was highlighted during PAC hearings. Internal controls were found to be inadequate, undermining confidence in IFI’s operations. Governance issues have persisted for years, prompting multiple investigations and repeated committee hearings. In short, this is not a one-off error, it is a structural problem.

Potential Legal and Financial Consequences.
The implications extend beyond governance. A protected disclosure report linked to the incident has, we understand, been referred to the Garda Commissioner. The uninsured collision alone resulted in repair costs of approximately €230,000. However, the reputational cost may be even greater.

Where the Responsibility Lies.
It is increasingly difficult to view these failures as administrative oversights.
Instead, they point to:-

  1. A breakdown in risk management.
  2. A failure of duty of care toward staff.
  3. A lack of transparency with statutory oversight bodies.

And most critically, a failure of leadership at senior management and board level. These are the individuals responsible for ensuring compliance, safeguarding employees, and maintaining public trust. Yet, as PAC hearings have shown, confidence in IFI’s leadership has been significantly eroded, with elected representatives openly questioning the organisation’s honesty and competence.

Rebuilding Trust: What Must Happen Next.
IFI now faces a defining moment. Restoring credibility will require more than procedural fixes, it demands decisive action:-

  1. Clear accountability at senior level.
  2. Full transparency with oversight bodies and the public.
  3. Structural reform to prevent recurrence.

Without these steps, trust cannot, and will not, be restored.

Final Thought.
The contrast is stark. From a “leading light” in road safety, to an organisation under scrutiny for governance failures, uninsured vehicles, and misleading disclosures.
The real question now is not just how this happened, but why it was allowed to continue for so long without intervention at the highest levels.

€2 At Tipperary Pumps – The Real Story Behind Ireland’s Fuel Prices.

There is a familiar rhythm to fuel prices in Ireland. Costs rise sharply, headlines point to global crises, and frustration builds at petrol stations across the country. Recently, that cycle has repeated itself, with rising tensions involving Iran blamed for sudden spikes that pushed prices close to, and in some cases beyond, €2 per litre.

At first glance, the explanation seems straightforward. Oil is a global commodity, and when conflict threatens supply; particularly in critical regions like the Middle East, prices rise everywhere. In early 2026, motorists saw increases of over 30 cent per litre in a matter of days as markets reacted to geopolitical uncertainty.

But if global events are only part of the story, what explains why Ireland consistently feels more expensive than many of its neighbours?
To understand that, you have to look beyond the headlines, and into the structure of the price itself.

The Price Beneath the Price.
Strip away the pump display and something striking emerges. In Ireland, the majority of what drivers pay for fuel has little to do with oil at all. According to AA Ireland data, approximately 65% of the price of petrol and 60% of diesel is made up of taxes and levies.

Put simply, when you pay around €1.75 per litre:

  • Roughly 60 cent reflects the actual fuel cost.
  • More than €1 goes to the State.

This is not a marginal difference. It fundamentally changes how global shocks are experienced at a local level. If oil prices rise, Irish motorists don’t just pay more for fuel, they pay more tax on that higher price as well. Value Added Tax (VAT), set at 23%, is applied on top of the entire cost, including excise duty and carbon tax. The result is a compounding effect, often described as a “tax on tax,” where price increases are amplified rather than simply passed through.
It is here that the gap between global explanation and domestic reality begins to widen.

Global Markets, Local Multipliers.
There is no question that international events matter. The recent surge in prices, following Middle East tensions, reflects genuine concern about supply disruption. Oil markets are notoriously sensitive, and even the perception of risk can trigger immediate price increases.
But the same global oil price applies across Europe. The difference lies in how each country translates that price into what consumers actually pay.

In Ireland, that Translation is Particularly Heavy.
Before tax, Ireland sits roughly in the middle of European fuel costs. After tax, it often ranks among the most expensive. This explains a common experience for motorists near the border, as crossing into Northern Ireland can reduce the cost of a full tank by €15–€20, despite the fuel itself being sourced from the same global market.
The conclusion is difficult to avoid, global events may set the baseline, but domestic policy determines the final impact.

The Case for High Taxes
Of course, there is a logic behind Ireland’s approach. Fuel taxation is not simply a revenue tool, though it certainly provides substantial income for the Exchequer. It is also a central pillar of climate policy.
Carbon tax, currently aligned with a rate equivalent to €71 per tonne of CO₂, is designed to discourage fossil fuel use and encourage a transition to cleaner alternatives.
In theory, the principle is sound, make carbon-intensive behaviour more expensive, and people will gradually shift toward more sustainable choices. The revenue generated is also partially reinvested into Ireland’s energy efficiency programmes and social supports, aimed at offsetting fuel poverty.
From a policy perspective, this reflects a broader European trend. Governments are increasingly using price signals to drive behavioural change.

Where Policy Meets Reality.
The difficulty lies in how that theory plays out in practice. Ireland is not a country where driving is easily optional. Outside major urban centres, public transport options are limited, distances are longer, and reliance on private vehicles is often unavoidable. For many households, fuel is not a discretionary expense; it is a necessity.
In this context, higher fuel prices do not significantly reduce consumption. Instead, they increase financial pressure. The burden is not evenly distributed either. Rural households, tradespeople, and lower-income workers are disproportionately affected. A commuter travelling 50 kilometres each day cannot simply switch to an electric vehicle overnight, nor can a small business absorb rising diesel costs indefinitely.
What emerges is a tension between long-term policy goals and short-term lived experience.

The Ripple Effect Through the Economy.
Fuel costs do not exist in isolation. They flow through the entire economy.
When diesel prices rise, transport becomes more expensive. That, in turn, increases the cost of goods, food distribution, construction and services. A sustained increase of just 30 cent per litre can cost the average motorist over €300 per year, but the indirect costs spread far wider.
This is why fuel prices often feel like a multiplier of the broader cost-of-living crisis. They do not just affect drivers; they affect everything.

Government Response: Reactive or Strategic?
When prices spike sharply, governments tend to intervene. In recent weeks, temporary cuts to excise duty, (up to 20 cent per litre), have been introduced to ease pressure on households and businesses.
These measures provide immediate relief, but they also highlight an uncomfortable truth; the government has significant control over fuel prices and can reduce them quickly when it chooses to do so.
Critics argue that this reinforces the idea that high prices are, at least in part, a policy choice rather than an inevitability. Supporters counter that such interventions must remain temporary, or risk undermining climate commitments and public finances, and both perspectives have merit.

A System Under StrainIreland’s fuel pricing system is not broken, but it is under strain.
On one side, there is a clear need to reduce emissions, meet climate targets, and transition toward a more sustainable energy system. On the other, there is the immediate reality of households struggling with rising costs in a country where alternatives are not yet fully in place.
The current approach attempts to balance these competing pressures. But balance is difficult to maintain when external shocks, such as global conflicts, push prices sharply higher. In those moments, the structure of the system becomes more visible, and more contested.

So Who Is Responsible?
The honest answer is not simple. Global events like the Iran conflict undeniably influence fuel prices. They set the direction of travel and can trigger rapid increases. But Ireland’s tax structure determines how steep that journey feels. It is not a question of either/or, it is both.

At a Crossroads
Ireland now faces a deeper question about the future of its fuel policy. Should taxes remain high to drive long-term change, even if that increases short-term hardship? Or should the burden be eased, at least until viable alternatives are available for all? There are no easy answers. But one thing is clear: for many Irish drivers, the issue is no longer abstract. It is not about global markets or climate targets in isolation.

It is about the price on the pump, the cost of getting to work, and the growing sense that something in the system is no longer quite in balance.

Revenue Processes €26.7m In Tax Adjustments Following Reviews Of Worker Classification.

The Revenue Commissioners have processed gross tax adjustments totalling €26.7 million arising from cases where workers were incorrectly treated as self-employed rather than employees.

Revenue Commissioners

Revenue said 280 voluntary disclosures were made, covering more than 6,600 employees. The disclosures relate to situations where some businesses classified staff as self-employed contractors when, in practice, the individuals should have been on payroll as employees.

Revenue Chairperson Mr Niall Cody is scheduled to appear before the Oireachtas Public Accounts Committee on today, where he is expected to outline the findings and the compliance activity behind them.

Mr Cody is also due to highlight that, while misclassification has long been a known compliance risk, the Supreme Court decision in Revenue Commissioners V Karshan, in October 2023 has significantly altered the operating environment for employers. The case, commonly referred to as the Domino’s Pizza delivery drivers judgment, upheld Revenue’s position that the workers involved were employees rather than independent contractors.

The ruling has been widely viewed as a landmark moment in addressing bogus self-employment, where individuals carry out work comparable to employees but without access to standard employment protections and benefits such as paid leave, sick pay and pension contributions. Historically, the issue has been particularly associated with sectors including construction and media.

Leinster House: €14.5m In Post-Election Payouts

A clear look at the figures as €14.5m is doled out in Leinster House post-election payouts.

More than €14.5 million has been paid out in severance-style supports, redundancy and pension lump sums to former TDs and Senators and their staff since last year’s election, according to figures released under FOI and explanatory notes from the Oireachtas.
The payments fall into two broad streams: supports for departing politicians and exit payments for staff employed under the Oireachtas scheme.

Leinster House.

Termination payments to former TDs and Senators:
The Oireachtas said €2.98 million was paid in monthly termination payments to politicians who retired or lost their seats. That money was shared among 70 people, working out at an average of about €41,800 per recipient.
These monthly payments are made to TDs and Senators who meet service requirements and are described as a measure intended to help members transition back into ordinary employment after leaving office.
Separately, a total of €1.14 million was paid in termination lump sums under the Oireachtas departure package. Again, this related to 70 former TDs and Senators, averaging around €16,000 each.

An information note accompanying the figures sets out the basic rule: where eligibility conditions are met, a termination lump sum equivalent to two months of salary, including salary allowances held during the period of continuous service, is payable, subject to Revenue rules on severance payments.

Pension lump sums and annual pensions:
In addition to termination supports, FOI figures show a further €3.022 million was paid in pension lump sums to retiring and departing TDs and Senators. This pot was shared among 22 people, an average of just over €137,000 per recipient.
Those individuals also qualified for annual pensions, with reported yearly amounts ranging from €7,796 to €63,467. Some may also be entitled to ministerial pensions, though those payments are handled through the Department of Finance rather than the Oireachtas administration.

One point highlighted in the reporting is transparency:
In previous years, names and individual amounts were published, but that practice has now ceased, with privacy cited as the reason.

Staff severance and redundancy: €7.45m:
A large share of the overall €14.5m relates to staff working for TDs and Senators, whose employment ended after the election.
Documents released under FOI show around €7.45 million was paid to staff members of former TDs and Senators. This included severance payments of €6.189 million paid to 187 people, an average of about €33,000 each.
A further €1.26 million was paid in statutory redundancy to 116 former staff, worth an average of just under €11,000 per recipient.
The records also show that nine people were re-employed after the election, triggering repayment requirements. The Oireachtas said €192,875 was repaid in severance by nine people, and one person additionally repaid €14,116 in redundancy.
The Oireachtas note explains that where someone who received an exit payment takes up employment under the scheme again within one year, they must repay the money received plus any compound interest that has accrued. It also states that where an exit payment has been repaid, any future payment or pension lump sum will be based on the person’s full service under the scheme.

What it means:
Supporters of these arrangements argue elections can bring abrupt job losses and that structured payments provide a buffer for both politicians and staff. Critics tend to focus on the overall cost and optics, particularly at a time when most workers outside politics rely on standard redundancy rules.

Either way, the FOI figures put a firm number on the post-election bill, and ensure the debate around value for money, transparency and reform is likely to continue.