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Thurles, Co. Tipperary Left Waiting Again – Where Is The Urgency On Our Road Upgrades?

Thurles Deserves Delivery – Not More Delays, Excuses And Failed Announcements.

The continuing delay recently announced on the redevelopment of Liberty Square, (Part 2) and Slievenamon Road raises a much wider question about infrastructure delivery in Thurles town, and about what our political representatives are actually achieving for the town in Dáil Éireann.
How much longer is Thurles expected to wait for basic infrastructure that other major towns would regard as essential?

The first phase of the Liberty Square redevelopment commenced in August 2020 and was officially opened in June 2022. Yet the adjoining N62 Slievenamon Road Phase 2 project; from Liberty Square to the Shopping Centre roundabout, is now not expected to begin until 2027 at least, with completion potentially stretching to the the final weeks of 2028.
That is an extraordinary timescale for completing the redevelopment of the centre of one of Tipperary’s largest towns.

Promised completion since 2022 following part one completion in 2022.

Tipperary County Council points to dependencies involving Transport Infrastructure Ireland and Uisce Éireann. But after years of delay, the public is entitled to ask why these issues were not identified, coordinated and resolved far earlier.
Even more difficult to understand is the condition of parts of Liberty Square itself. Potholes, eroded road surfaces and deteriorating sections should not have to await another multimillion-euro capital project. Basic maintenance is a separate responsibility. A promise that major works may eventually take place cannot justify leaving existing surfaces in poor condition in the meantime.

There is also another deeply unpleasant issue which deserves a proper public explanation. Sewer pipes were installed during the Liberty Square redevelopment works in 2021. Since then, complaints have been publicly reported about foul odours and what has been described as sewer gas or a sewage-type stench issuing from drains in parts of Liberty Square east.
If these odours arose following the drainage works, the obvious questions must be asked;
“Were the new drainage and sewer arrangements correctly designed and installed?
“Have they been independently inspected and tested?”
“What is causing the continuing smell, and why has it not been permanently rectified?

Until Tipperary County Council or Uisce Éireann produces the technical evidence, it would be wrong to simply declare defective installation as proven. But equally, persistent reports of sewage-type odours following major drainage works cannot simply be ignored. The people working, shopping and living in the centre of Thurles deserve an explanation and a permanent solution.

Constant traffic congestion caused by failure to provide inner relief road and Thurles bypass.

And Liberty Square is only part of a much bigger infrastructure failure.
The Thurles Inner Relief Road has been talked about for years, yet the town is still waiting for the level of funding necessary to turn plans, designs and consultancy work into actual construction.
Then there is the Thurles Bypass; another project discussed for decades and repeatedly presented as essential to removing through-traffic and heavy vehicles from the town centre.
Announcements, inclusion in plans, feasibility studies and ministerial visits are not roads.
Funding, construction contracts, machinery on site and completed infrastructure are what matter.

Which brings us directly to political accountability.
Thurles is represented in Dáil Éireann by Mr Michael Lowry TD and Mr Ryan O’Meara TD.
Both are entitled to point to representations they have made, meetings attended and projects they have sought to advance.

But voters are equally entitled to ask a much tougher question:
What are Mr Michael Lowry and Mr Ryan O’Meara actually achieving in Dáil Éireann for Thurles?
Where is the construction funding for the Inner Relief Road?
When will there be a fully funded programme and credible construction timetable for the Thurles Bypass?
Why has completion of Liberty Square and Slievenamon Road been allowed to stretch towards 2028?
And why, after millions of euro have already been spent on Liberty Square, are residents and businesses still having to complain about potholes, eroded surfaces and foul smells apparently emanating from the drainage system?

Political effectiveness should ultimately be measured by results. Not another series of video’s and press releases. Not another photograph taken standing beside a Minister or a wealthy business man. Not another announcement that a project is being “progressed”. Not another promise that funding will be sought.

Thurles needs funding secured, contracts signed, problems fixed and projects delivered. After years of waiting, that is hardly too much to ask.

That is also the test for Tipperary County Council, Mr Michael Lowry TD and Mr Ryan O’Meara TD. Thurles does not need another announcement. It needs delivery.

Who Is Really To Blame For The National Children’s Hospital Debacle?

The National Children’s Hospital was supposed to be one of the great public investments of modern Ireland.

Instead, it has become synonymous with spiralling costs, missed deadlines, contractual disputes and public frustration.
Construction at the St James’s Hospital site began in 2016. The hospital was expected to be completed by 2022. Four years after that original target, there is still no dependable date for substantial completion.

So who is responsible?
The uncomfortable answer is that responsibility does not lie in just one place. The first major failure occurred before many of today’s construction disputes even arose.
An independent PwC review published in 2019 found serious weaknesses in the project’s planning, budgeting, governance and execution. Crucially, it concluded that the vast majority of the initial €450 million cost increase arose because the true cost of building the hospital had been underestimated in the first place.

That places significant responsibility on the State. Government, the National Paediatric Hospital Development Board and their advisers proceeded with an extraordinarily complicated project without sufficient certainty over design, cost and risk.
The original figures proved unrealistic.The project subsequently grew from an estimated cost of roughly €1 billion to an approved overall budget of approximately €2.24 billion.

But that does not absolve the main contractor, BAM. The present dispute is increasingly about delivery. The NPHDB told the Oireachtas earlier this year that BAM had changed its projected substantial-completion date 18 times over a five-year period. Its April 30th 2026 target represented a delay of approximately 40 months beyond the revised contractual completion date of December 2022. That April deadline was not met.

Minister for Health Ms Jennifer Carroll MacNeill has since sharply criticised BAM and its parent company, saying commitments on additional resources and delivery had been inadequately fulfilled. There are also disputes over workmanship and defects.
Earlier this year the NPHDB described the scale of defects identified during the completion process as unprecedented, while BAM argued that much of this represented normal snagging on a project of exceptional size and complexity.
Meanwhile, BAM has submitted claims totalling approximately €983 million for disputed additional costs. These are claims, not an accepted bill to the taxpayer, and large parts remain contested.
BAM, for its part, disputes the State’s account of responsibility for delays and argues that design decisions, changes and other client-side issues have affected its ability to complete the job.
That means we should distinguish between political responsibility, project-management responsibility and legal liability.

For the original cost escalation and poor project structure, the State must carry substantial responsibility.
For many of the later construction delays, the NPHDB and Government now place much of the blame on BAM.

But the final allocation of contractual liability cannot simply be decided by politicians, journalists or commentators. Some of it will ultimately be determined through the contract’s dispute-resolution procedures and possibly the courts.

The more important question now is: what should happen next?
First, BAM must be required to produce and deliver against a credible, properly resourced completion programme with measurable weekly milestones.
Second, the State must rigorously enforce the contract. Valid claims should be paid, invalid claims resisted, and damages for contractor-caused delay pursued where legally justified.
Third, quality cannot be sacrificed simply to produce another politically attractive completion date. This is a national paediatric hospital containing operating theatres, intensive-care facilities and highly complex clinical systems. It must be finished properly.
Fourth, Government should publish a simple public progress dashboard showing completed rooms, outstanding defects, testing of critical systems and verified milestones. After so many missed deadlines, the public needs measurable progress rather than another promise.
And finally, when the hospital is delivered, there must be a comprehensive independent review of the entire project. Not simply another report to gather dust.

Ireland needs to know why such a vital national project was allowed to proceed with inadequate cost certainty, why governance failed, why completion dates repeatedly slipped, which additional contractor claims were justified, and which were not. Those lessons matter far beyond this hospital.
Ireland is entering an era in which enormous sums will be spent on transport, housing, healthcare, energy and other infrastructure.
The lasting scandal would not merely be that the National Children’s Hospital became extraordinarily expensive and extraordinarily late. It would be spending billions more on future projects without learning anything from it.
The children who will eventually receive world-class care in this hospital deserve better than political point-scoring.

Taxpayers deserve something too; an honest account of what went wrong, who was responsible and guarantees that Ireland will not repeat the same mistakes again.

Death Of Patrick Hogan, Drom, Co. Tipperary

It was with great sadness that we learned of the death today Sunday 4th October 2026, of Mr Patrick Hogan, Drom, Templemore, Co. Tipperary and formerly of John’s Square, Portlaoise, Co. Laois.

Pre-deceased by his first wife Irene and second wife Betty, daughter Claire, granddaughter Irene and grandson Raymond; Mr Hogan passed away peacefully surrounded by his loving family, while in the care of staff at Paterson’s Nursing Home, Roscrea, Co. Tipperary.

His passing is most deeply regretted, sadly missed and lovingly remembered by his sorrowing family; loving daughters Kathleen and Irene, son PJ, sisters, Girlie, Bid and Kathleen, sons-in-law Gerry and Kevin and PJ’s partner Breda, brothers-in-law, sister-in-law, grandchildren, Laura, Sharon, James, Sarah, Aimee, Jack, Aaron, Daragh, Alana and Johnny, great-grandchildren, nephews, nieces, extended relatives, neighbours and friends.

Requiescat in Pace.

Funeral Arrangements.

The earthly remains of Mr Hogan will be received into the Church of St. Mary, Drom, Templemore, (Eircode E41 KP79) on Wednesday morning, October 7th, to repose for Requiem Mass at 11:30am, followed by interment, immediately afterwards, in the adjoining graveyard.

The extended Hogan family wish to express their appreciation for your understanding at this difficult time.

Note Please: Family Flowers Only.

Rickard Deasy – A Tipperary Farmer Who Helped Change Irish Agriculture.

A Tipperary Farmer Who Helped Change Irish Agriculture.

As Ireland marked the 60th anniversary, yesterday October 3rd, of the historic Farmers’ Rights Campaign in Bantry Co Cork, it is fitting to remember the remarkable life and legacy of Mr Rickard Joseph Gerard Deasy (1916–1999).

Although born in Leeson Street, Dublin, on March 13th, 1916, Rickard Deasy was brought up on his family’s farm at Carrigahorig, near Nenagh, Co. Tipperary. It was in North Tipperary that his life as a farmer and farmers’ leader was firmly rooted.
Mr Deasy was educated at Ampleforth College in Yorkshire and Christ Church, Oxford, where he studied politics, philosophy and economics. He later joined the Irish Defence Forces and served as an artillery officer. Following the death of his mother in the 1940s, he left the Army and returned to Carrigahorig, Nenagh, Co. Tipperary, where he developed the family holding to almost 200 acres.

Farmers’ Rights Tipperary Campaigner the late Mr Rickard Deasy.

He became involved in the National Farmers’ Association through its Terryglass, Nenagh branch and rose through the organisation to become President in 1961. His defining moment would came in October 1966.

On October 7th, Deasy and 16 local farmers set out from Bantry, County Cork, on a 217 mile march to Dublin. As the march progressed, farmers joined from across the country, with around 30,000 participating along the route before the campaign converged on the capital.

The campaign sought something fundamental; recognition of farmers’ right to negotiate directly with Government, rather than merely being consulted on decisions affecting their livelihoods. Its ‘Declaration of Farmers’ Rights’ called for recognition of 11 basic rights for rural and farming families.
The movement drew inspiration from the international civil-rights movement and, in particular, Martin Luther King Jr.’s March on Washington in 1963. The declaration also invoked the promise of equality contained in the 1916 Proclamation.

When the Government initially refused to meet the NFA leadership, nine farmers began a sit-in at Government Buildings which lasted for three weeks.
The dispute subsequently escalated into road and bridge blockades, a rates strike and the imprisonment of dozens of farmers. Eventually, significant progress was made on the right to negotiate, while farmer representatives secured places on important marketing and advisory bodies. The IFA today regards the campaign as one of the decisive events in the history of organised Irish farming.

Mr Deasy and Mr Charles Haughey
The campaign also brought Mr Deasy into direct confrontation with the then Minister for Agriculture, Mr Charles J. Haughey.
Mr Haughey’s initial refusal to meet the farmers helped turn the protest into a major political confrontation. The episode was damaging to his standing as Minister for Agriculture, although this did not prevent Mr Haughey’s later rise to become leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach. But it is reasonable to regard the Farmers’ Rights Campaign as a serious setback for Mr Haughey at that stage of his political career.

The Political Price Paid by Mr Deasy.
There was a striking irony in Mr Rickard Deasy’s later career. Although he had successfully mobilised thousands of farmers nationally, he was unable to convert that prominence into electoral success.
In the 1969 general election, Mr Deasy stood for the Labour Party in Tipperary North, but received only 517 first-preference votes, about 1.8% of the poll, and was not elected.
His poor showing was extraordinary for a man who had been one of Ireland’s best-known farming leaders just three years earlier.
Some later accounts suggest that his image as a militant campaigner worked against him politically, while he was also portrayed by some critics as a “Marxist”. What is beyond doubt is that Mr Deasy’s electoral failure contrasted sharply with the success of the movement he had previously led.

Sixty Years Later
At the 60th-anniversary commemoration in Bantry, yesterday October 3rd, 2026, IFA President Mr Francie Gorman described the Farmers’ Rights Campaign as a seminal event in the history of the NFA and IFA.
He said the right to negotiate, fought for in 1966, remained as important to farmers six decades later. Several surviving participants in the original march were also present at the event.

For County Tipperary, there is particular reason to remember Rickard Deasy of Carrigahorig and Terryglass; farmer; Army Officer, campaigner, and national farming leader.
From his Tipperary farm he rose to lead one of the most significant rural protest movements in modern Irish history. The campaign helped secure a recognised voice for Irish farmers in their dealings with Government and strengthened the organisation that later became the Irish Farmers’ Association in 1971.

Mr Rickard Deasy died at Nenagh Hospital on July 13th, 1999. His contribution to Irish farming, and his deep association with North Tipperary, remain an important part of our local and national history.

Mr Deasy never became a TD, but his legacy is arguably more enduring; he helped ensure that Irish farmers had a recognised voice at the table of Irish Government.

Budget 2027 – Possible €10 Weekly Increase For Pensions And Welfare Agreed.

A €10-a-week increase in the State pension and core social welfare payments is now set to form part of Budget 2027, as Government leaders enter the final stages of negotiations ahead of Tuesday’s announcement.

The increase is expected to apply across the main welfare rates, including payments to pensioners, people with disabilities, carers and jobseekers. An earlier figure of €7.50 had been under consideration, but negotiations have since moved to the higher €10 increase. Energy and the cost of living remain central to the final Budget discussions.

Taoiseach Mr Micheál Martin has signalled that further carbon tax increases on home-heating oil will be halted for the remainder of the Government’s term. He has also confirmed that eligible pensioners and long-term welfare recipients can expect the traditional Christmas bonus payment this year.

Further targeted assistance for households facing high heating costs is still being discussed. One proposal under consideration is a once-off payment for Fuel Allowance recipients, with figures of around €300 mentioned during negotiations. However, the final form of this support has not yet been confirmed.

A new annual cost-of-disability payment is also expected, with current discussions putting its value in the region of €400 to €500. An increase in the Living Alone Allowance is among the measures expected to feature in the final package.

The Government is also examining ways of reducing household energy costs, while final decisions on childcare supports are being worked out during talks in Government Buildings today.

Budget 2027 is scheduled to be announced on Tuesday next, October 6th, with the overall package expected to include approximately €7 billion in additional spending and €1.5 billion in tax reductions.

Final decisions on several measures are still being made, so figures relating to Fuel Allowance, disability supports, childcare and other cost-of-living measures should be treated as proposals until formally announced on Budget Day.