The Food Safety Authority of Ireland (FSAI) today welcomes the introduction of new EU labelling rules for honey, which came into effect on 14th June 2026.
The updated legislation introduces strengthened requirements for the labelling of honey in relation to the declaration of country of origin. Under the new rules, all countries of origin for blended honey must be clearly indicated on the label, in descending order of weight, along with the percentage contribution of each country. This information must be presented in the principal field of vision of the product, ensuring it is easily visible to consumers at the point of purchase.
Country of origin declaration applies to honey produced, packaged, labelled and for sale on the market after 14 June 2026. Before this date, origin declaration for honey had more general descriptions such as ‘a blend of EU honeys’ or ‘a blend of EU and non-EU honeys’, without further detail on the specific countries of origin. Honey produced, packaged, labelled and on the market on or before 14 June 2026, will legitimately remain on the market for several months with this previously acceptable origin declaration so it will therefore take some time before consumers see this change on the labels.
Welcoming the changes to the EU labelling rules for honey, Mr Greg Dempsey, (Chief Executive, FSAI), stated that improved origin labelling for honey will enhance transparency, support informed consumer choice and strengthen trust in honey products available on the Irish market. “The new EU labelling requirements for honey represent a positive development for both consumers and for food businesses. Providing clearer information on the country of origin of honey supports informed decision-making by consumers, while also promoting fairness and greater transparency across the supply chain. The new EU rules provide clarity for food businesses on how country of origin information must be declared on honey. All food businesses placing honey on the market after 14 June are required to ensure that their labelling complies with these new requirements.”
All food businesses involved in the production, packing, distribution or sale of honey must ensure that their labels are fully compliant with the new EU requirements. The FSAI will continue to work with official agencies and food businesses to support compliance with the legislation and to ensure that consumers are provided with accurate and clear information about the food they purchase.
For more than four decades, the kidnapping of Shergar has stood as one of the darkest and strangest crimes in Irish racing history. The Derby-winning stallion, whose ten-length victory at Epsom in 1981 remains the widest winning margin in the race’s long history, was stolen from Ballymany Stud in County Kildare, on the night of February 8th, 1983.
Now Princess Zahra Aga Khan, daughter of the late Aga Khan, has spoken publicly about the trauma for the first time. Her account adds a chilling new detail; Shergar was not kept alive for a long ransom negotiation. She says he was killed within two days of being taken, and that his death was carried out “in an awful way.”
The ransom demand was £2 million, but it was never paid. Princess Zahra has explained that the decision was not as simple as one wealthy owner refusing to hand over money. Shergar had been syndicated, meaning the Aga Khan did not own him outright. The other shareholders had to be considered, and there was also a deeper moral question: if the money was going to the IRA, could it later be used against human beings?
Shergar.
That question helps explain why the ransom was withheld. It was not just about money, insurance, or ownership structure. It was about refusing to fund violence. Shergar had not been insured against kidnapping. As Princess Zahra put it, who would ever have imagined that someone would kidnap a horse? Yet that is exactly what happened. Armed men broke into the stud, took the horse, and briefly abducted groom Mr Jim Fitzgerald, before releasing him. Shergar’s body to date has never been found.
The IRA has long been suspected of carrying out the kidnapping. The commonly accepted version is that the operation was amateurish and badly planned. The kidnappers were prepared for a ransom demand, but not for the reality of handling a valuable, nervous, full-grown thoroughbred stallion. Shergar was a national symbol of Irish breeding and racing, but to the gang that took him, he seems to have been a fundraising target they did not know how to control.
This is where Mr Sean O’Callaghan (Irish Republican Army’s Southern Commander) enters the story. Mr O’Callaghan was a former Provisional IRA member who later became an informer for the Gardaí. In later accounts, he claimed the Shergar plot was an IRA fundraising operation that went wrong almost immediately. His version was that the kidnappers could not manage the horse, that Shergar panicked, and that he was killed shortly after being taken. Princess Zahra’s new account appears to strengthen the general outline that Shergar died early in the abduction rather than after a prolonged captivity.
In 2008, The Sunday Telegraph reported claims from another IRA member that Shergar was killed after a planned vet failed to appear and the ransom was not paid. With Gardaí searches making release difficult, allegedly decided it was too risky to let the horse go and ordered him shot four days after the kidnapping. The source said two men entered the stable, one with a machine gun, and Shergar died a violent, bloody death.
“There was blood everywhere and the horse even slipped on his own blood. There was lots of cussin’ and swearin’ because the horse wouldn’t die. It was a very bloody death.”
But Mr O’Callaghan’s role also raises an important political point: what, if anything, is the Sinn Féin connection? The true Sinn Féin connection is not that Sinn Féin has been proved to have ordered or carried out the Shergar kidnapping. No such proof has been established, and no one was ever convicted over Shergar’s disappearance. The documented Sinn Féin connection is Mr Sean O’Callaghan himself. He was not only a former IRA figure and later informer; he was also elected in 1985 as a Sinn Féin councillor in Tralee, County Kerry. That means one of the best-known sources for the IRA account of Shergar’s death, had a real political connection to Sinn Féin.
That distinction matters. Sinn Féin was widely regarded during the Troubles as the political wing of the republican movement, while the Provisional IRA was the armed organisation. The two were closely associated in public perception and republican politics, but they were not the same legal entity. So the accurate statement is this: the Shergar kidnapping has long been attributed to the Provisional IRA, and one of the key later sources on the alleged IRA role, Mr Sean O’Callaghan, was also a Sinn Féin councillor. That is the real Sinn Féin link personal, political, and historical, not a proven party role in the crime itself.
Princess Zahra’s comments bring the story back from conspiracy and folklore to its human and moral core. Shergar was not an abstract symbol, a ransom asset, or a political bargaining chip. He was a remarkable animal, described by those who knew him as kind and gentle, and he was killed because criminals tried to turn him into money.
The tragedy is sharpened by what he represented. Shergar was one of the greatest racehorses of his generation, a symbol of Irish racing excellence, and a source of national pride. His kidnapping was not only a blow to the Aga Khan’s family and racing operation; it was an act that shocked Ireland and Britain because it violated something people regarded as beyond politics.
More than forty years later, the essential facts remain grim. Shergar was kidnapped. A ransom was demanded. The money was not paid, partly because it could have funded violence. The IRA has long been suspected. Mr Sean O’Callaghan, a former IRA man, Garda informer, and later Sinn Féin councillor, gave one of the most influential accounts of what happened. Princess Zahra has now added that Shergar was killed within two days, and in a terrible way.
Shergar’s remains have never been recovered. His killers were never brought before a court. But the latest account from Princess Zahra makes one thing clearer than ever; the kidnapping was not a clever political operation. It was a cruel, bungled crime that destroyed one of racing’s greatest horses.
Thousands of children across Ireland are still waiting for an initial appointment with a Child Disability Network Team, with families in North and South Tipperary among those affected by long delays.
HSE figures show that 8,200 children were on waiting lists for first contact with a CDNT at the end of March, including 5,261 children who had been waiting for more than 12 months. The overall figure marks a fall from 8,648 children recorded at the end of 2025.
The figures show that Tipperary is split across two HSE regions, meaning waiting-list pressures affecting families in the county are recorded under separate regional totals.
North Tipperary falls within HSE Mid West, which also covers Clare and Limerick. In that region, 1,109 children were awaiting first contact with a CDNT, including 599 children who had been waiting for more than a year.
South Tipperary is counted within HSE Dublin and South East, alongside Carlow, Kilkenny, Waterford, Wexford, most of Wicklow and parts of South Dublin. That region had the second-largest waiting list nationally, with 2,078 children awaiting first contact. Of those, 1,432 children had been waiting longer than 12 months. The split means there is no single headline waiting-list figure for Tipperary in the regional data, despite children in both the north and south of the county being affected by delays.
Nationally, HSE Dublin Midlands had the largest waiting list, with 2,252 children awaiting first contact. Of these, 1,669 had been waiting longer than a year. The area includes Dublin South City and West, Dublin South West, Kildare, West Wicklow, Laois, Offaly, Longford and Westmeath. HSE Dublin North East recorded 1,908 children waiting for first contact, with 1,269 waiting over a year. The region includes North Dublin, Louth, Meath, Monaghan and most of Cavan.
HSE West and North West, covering Donegal, Leitrim, Sligo, West Cavan, Mayo, Galway and Roscommon, had 452 children awaiting contact, while HSE South West, covering Cork and Kerry, had 401 children on waiting lists. The figures come amid continuing staffing pressures across CDNT services. A report showed that, as of October 2025, the vacancy rate across CDNT posts stood at 18%, with 457 positions unfilled.
The HSE is the lead agency for 43 of the country’s 93 CDNTs. Enable Ireland operates 20 teams, while Brothers of Charity provides six. Among providers, Enable Ireland had funding for 502.3 whole-time equivalent posts, with 85% filled. Brothers of Charity had 208.9 funded whole-time equivalent posts, with 89% filled. The highest vacancy rate was recorded in Clonmel, Co. Tipperary, where 54% of posts were vacant. Gorey in Co Wexford and Waterford North City each had vacancy rates of 52%.
At regional level, Dublin and South East had the highest vacancy rate, with one quarter of posts unfilled. Occupational therapy posts remain under pressure, with 27% vacant, equivalent to 40.9 unfilled positions. Clinical psychology vacancies were also high, with 44% of posts unfilled, or 41.6 vacancies. There are 93 Child Disability Network Teams aligned with 96 Community Healthcare Networks nationwide. The teams provide services and supports for children and young people from birth to 18 years of age.
History does not repeat itself exactly, but it often rhymes in the ways hatred is excused, renamed, or redirected.
In the autumn of 1941, a ravine on the edge of Kyiv became one of the most devastating killing sites of the Holocaust. German forces had occupied the city on September 19th, and within days the Nazi campaign of persecution turned into mass murder. Notices appeared ordering Kyiv’s Jews to report with documents, clothing, money, and valuables. Many believed they were being deported or resettled. Instead, they were being led to Babi Yar.
On September 29th and 30th, Jewish families moved through the city in long, fearful columns. Parents carried children. Elderly people walked beside relatives. Others brought small bundles containing whatever remained of their lives. At the ravine, they were stripped of their possessions and clothing, forced toward the edge in groups, and shot. In only two days, 33,771 Jewish men, women, and children were murdered there, making Babi Yar one of the largest single massacres of the Holocaust.
Section of bodies photographed at the mass grave in Babi Yar, Ukraine, by Soviet researchers, three years later in 1944.
The killing did not end with those two days. During the Nazi occupation, Babi Yar continued to be used as an execution site. Jews who had survived or hidden were later brought there and killed. Soviet prisoners of war, Roma people, resistance members, civilians, and others targeted by the occupiers were also murdered in or near the ravine. What had once been a natural landmark became a mass grave and a symbol of the “Holocaust by bullets,” the campaign of open-air shootings carried out across Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe.
After the war, Babi Yar’s memory was itself subjected to silence. Under Soviet rule, public commemoration often avoided naming the Jewish victims specifically, presenting the dead mainly as Soviet citizens. For survivors, relatives, and historians, this omission deepened the wound. The ravine held not only the bodies of the murdered but also a history that official memory struggled to acknowledge.
Soviet POWs being used by Germany to cover the mass grave after the massacre, on October 1st 1941. Pic: Johannes Hähle.
Today, Babi Yar stands as a place of mourning and warning. Its story reveals how quickly ordinary streets can become routes to destruction when hatred is organised by the state and human beings are reduced to targets. Behind the number 33,771 were families, neighbours, children, workers, students, grandparents, and entire communities whose lives were ended together at the edge of a ravine. To remember Babi Yar is to restore their humanity against the machinery that tried to erase them.
That silence also speaks to the present. History does not repeat itself exactly, but it often rhymes in the ways hatred is excused, renamed, or redirected. Anti-Semitism rarely begins with violence at the edge of a ravine. It begins with language that turns Jews into a collective blame, with suspicion cast over Jewish identity, with the idea that Jewish fear is exaggerated, or that hostility toward Jews can be justified by events elsewhere. In Ireland today, where public feeling about Israel and Gaza is often intense, there must still be a clear moral line; criticism of any government is legitimate, but blaming Irish Jews for the actions of the Israeli state, intimidating Jewish people, distorting Holocaust memory, or treating Jewish belonging as conditional is antisemitism.
To remember Babi Yar is therefore not only to look back at 1941, but to ask what kind of society we are becoming now. The lesson is not that today is the same as then; it is that dehumanisation must be challenged long before it becomes catastrophe. A country can defend Palestinian lives and rights while also defending Jewish safety, dignity, memory, and belonging.
The measure of moral seriousness is whether we can hold both truths at once, refusing to let grief for one people become hatred of another.
We learn that the Government is preparing to introduce a new Derelict Property Tax across 107 cities and towns, with plans to expand it further to 171 locations.
The stated aim is to bring long-term derelict buildings back into use, restore communities and create more homes. On paper, few people would disagree with that goal. Dereliction is a blight on towns, villages and city streets across Ireland and here in Thurles, Co. Tipperary, one only has to look at the Munster Hotel on Cathedral street, to fully understand the negligence in fulfilling same obligation.
Munster Hotel, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.
But there is a bigger question here: how much more can people and property owners be taxed before Government admits that taxation has become its default answer to every problem? We already have property taxes, vacant property measures, levies, charges, stamp duty, planning costs, compliance costs and endless layers of bureaucracy. Now, once again, the solution being offered is yet another tax.
The new Derelict Property Tax will replace the current Derelict Sites Levy, which is charged at 7% of the market value of a property, and the new rate is expected not to be lower. In other words, this is not a light-touch measure. It is another significant financial burden, this time once again to be administered by Revenue.
Munster Hotel, Thurles, Co. Tipperary.
Of course, owners who deliberately allow buildings to rot, while communities suffer should be held accountable. No one wants to see usable homes and buildings left idle during a housing crisis. But the Government must also recognise that not every derelict property is being held by a wealthy investor or speculator. Some are tied up in probate, in legal disputes, planning delays, lack of services, structural costs, family circumstances or impossible refurbishment expenses.
Punishing everyone with another tax risks missing the real issue. Ireland does not need a Government that simply keeps finding new things to tax. It needs a Government that removes barriers, speeds up planning, supports realistic refurbishment, cuts red tape and makes it financially possible to bring properties back into use. Success should not be measured by how much money Revenue collects. It should be measured by how many buildings are restored, how many homes are created and how many communities are revived.
If this tax becomes just another revenue stream, then it will be another example of a Government that taxes first and solves later.
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