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Thurles Shoppers Observe Sharp Supermarket Price Gaps.

Shoppers in Thurles are noticing striking price differences between local supermarkets, underlining the continued strain of rising grocery costs across Tipperary.

A check in Thurles this week showed that an 18-can slab of 7UP Zero cost €8.99 in Aldi, €10.00 in Dunnes Stores, and €11.99 in Lidl; a €3 difference between two main German international discount chains operating in Ireland.

Zero 7Up – Comparing Lidl price today.

While small on paper, the gap highlights how uneven supermarket pricing has become during Ireland’s ongoing cost-of-living crisis.

Prices remain high.
Nationally, grocery inflation stands at 6.3%, with the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (CCPC) estimating that food prices have climbed by roughly 27% since 2021. Even as energy bills ease, household shopping remains costly. Shoppers say they are now comparing prices item by item, with differences between stores adding up quickly.

Surveys show major contrasts.
A recent Checkout.ie study found big variations in the cost of a standard grocery basket. Prices came to €150 at Lidl, €207 at Dunnes Stores (or €172 after vouchers), €195 at Tesco (or €185 with Clubcard), and €209 at SuperValu.
An Irish Independent comparison of branded goods found a smaller basket costing €34.51 at Aldi, versus €49.24 at Dunnes and €49.88 at Tesco, a price gap of more than 40% on identical everyday items.

Different models, different prices.
Aldi and Lidl run leaner operations with smaller product ranges and lower margins, helping them hold prices down.
Local costs and Ireland’s new deposit-return scheme can also affect prices; for example, some 18-can packs now include a €2.70 refundable deposit, which does not appear on shelf labels.

Impact on local households.
For families in Thurles, a few euro saved on a single product can mean €20 to €25 per week, or over €1,000 a year.
With grocery prices still rising faster than inflation overall, more shoppers are switching stores, choosing own-brand goods and tracking weekly promotions.
The example from Thurles shows that even between discount retailers, prices now vary widely, making careful comparison a key part of every household shop.

Ireland’s Political Right: Still Standing, But Losing Touch.

For almost a century, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have run this country. Between them, they’ve provided stability, managed the economy, and kept Ireland close to Europe. They’ve done plenty right, and deserve credit for steering clear of the angry, far-right politics we see elsewhere.

But the world has changed, and the old politics of careful management simply isn’t cutting it anymore. People are tired of polite promises and slow progress. They want answers, and a bit of honesty.

Ireland – The land of rolling green hills, magical castles, and unspoken truth.

What They Got Right.
To be fair, both parties handled the economy well after our economic downturn (2008–2013), caused in part by the collapse of an unsustainable property and construction bubble that had formed during the preceding “Celtic Tiger” boom years.
Fine Gael’s focus on jobs and recovery restored international trust, while Fianna Fáil’s old instinct for pragmatism helped Ireland grow out of poverty and into prosperity.
Also their shared commitment to the EU has been a huge advantage. Foreign investment has powered our economy and created real opportunity and on paper, that’s success.
But a country isn’t just measured by GDP, it’s measured by how people live, and that’s where the Irish right keeps falling short.

The Big Disconnect.
The housing crisis has exposed the limits of their thinking. For years, both parties have insisted that the market will sort it out. It hasn’t. Rents are out of control, first-time buyers are priced out, and homelessness is rising. When people try to raise these issues, they run into another problem, the government’s communication gap. You send an email to a TD or department and you get a polite automated acknowledgement, but it ends there. You get no reply and questions are not answered.
That kind of political politeness has become a symbol of the wider problem: leaders who appear to listen but don’t actually hear.

Two Parties, One Message.
Once upon a time, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael fought over ideas. Today, they’re practically interchangeable. Both are pro-business, pro-Europe, cautious and allergic to risk. Their coalition might keep things calm, but it also keeps them stuck.
Yes, voters notice. Many aren’t looking for revolution, just for someone who speaks clearly, admits mistakes, and offers real solutions and public discussion.

Time to Reconnect.
Ireland still badly needs a strong, sensible centre-right. Financial discipline and good management are important. But so are empathy, imagination, and communication.

If Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael want to survive the next decade, they’ll need to do more than manage, they’ll need to lead. That means tackling housing head-on, cutting through bureaucracy, and giving straight answers when people ask fair questions.
In 2025, steady as she goes isn’t enough. People want to be heard. They want a government that talks straight, acts fast, and most importantly actually deliver the goods.

Until that happens, the old parties will remain what they’ve become: solid, safe, while slowly losing touch.

The Problem With Ireland’s Political Left.

The Problem with Ireland’s Political Left: Fragmentation, Credibility, and the Lost Connection.

Despite theatrical, showy public anger over housing and other inequality, the Irish left political parties remains more comfortable complaining rather than being convincing, and far from ready to govern in Ireland.

Ireland’s political left has no shortage of dramatic stagey passion, but it still struggles to turn this melodramatic anger into any real power. Despite widespread frustration over housing, healthcare, and inequality, the left remains divided and uncertain of itself. Labour, Sinn Féin, the Social Democrats, and People Before Profit all claim to represent change, yet together they look like a movement more comfortable at public protesting rather than governing a population of 6 million people.

Ireland – The land of rolling green hills, magical castles, and unspoken truth.

Division.
Their biggest weakness is division. The left parties spend too much time competing with one another and not enough time convincing the public that they can actually work together.
Labour has never recovered from its time in government sleeping with Fine Gael in their desire for power, losing the trust of the lower wage earner, the working man.
Sinn Féin, thrives on anger and grievance, but falters when confronted with the practicalities of governance and currently relies heavily on dramatic outrage. Whether it can ever evolve from a party of perpetual opposition into one capable of realistic, credible governance, remains a defining question within Irish politics, while being led by Mrs Mary Louise McDonald.
Social Democrats are seen as certainly decent and honest, embodying the politics of competency, well-meaning, and yes serious about reform, yet that very moderation has become their biggest weakness. In a political landscape hungry for power, the party too often projects caution. It offers civility where voters increasingly crave conviction.
People Before Profit are loud in opposition, but have little to say about how they would actually run a country. They occupy the far-left edge of Irish politics, a party defined more by its opposition to the system than by any credible vision for governing within it. Rooted in a Marxist tradition that distrusts compromise, it offers uncertainty rather than solutions, a politics of perpetual protest that often mistakes volume for influence. Its activism energises a small but committed base, but successfully isolates the party from the broader electorate.

Credibility
Then there’s credibility, or the lack of it. The left is quick to criticise the failures of the system but less convincing when it comes to offering practical, costed solutions. Sinn Féin’s plans often sound ambitious but don’t always add up. Labour still talks about fairness but hasn’t rebuilt trust. The Social Democrats offer steady ideas, but rarely bold ones. Voters may agree with what the left says, but many still doubt it can manage the economy or deliver real results.

Connection with working people.
The third problem is a loss of connection with working people. The left once spoke naturally for ordinary workers and families. Now, many of those same people see left-wing parties as out of touch or too focused on cultural debates. In towns and rural areas especially, the left can sound more like it’s talking down, rather than listening.

Narrowness
There’s also a narrowness in how the modern Irish left sees the world. Important issues like gender equality, climate action and diversity are central to its message, but sometimes these are delivered in a way that feels moralistic rather than practical. The left’s language has become too shaped by social media and campus politics, and less by the realities of everyday real life.

In the end, the Irish left has mastered complaint, not delivery. It has plenty of passion but little unity; plenty of slogans but no single vision. As long as its parties define themselves mainly by what they oppose, namely Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, capitalism, or even each other, they will remain on the sidelines while others run the country. The left parties must admit that those ruling have transformed Ireland from one of Europe’s poorest countries into an economic powerhouse, greatly increasing national wealth.

The pattern is clear in today’s politics.
Sinn Féin’s rise has stalled, as voters, the silent people, question how an angry Mr Pearse Doherty would actually govern.
Labour remains weak and uncertain of its policies.
Social Democrats are making progress, but very slowly.
People Before Profit continue to protest, but are winning few new supporters as seen in recent test results.

Yes, there is real appetite for change in Ireland, but the left still hasn’t shown that it’s ready to deliver it or even if it can ever provide the goods.

A Spoiled Tipperary Vote Sends No Message Worth Hearing.

While a verbal contract isn’t worth the paper it’s written on – a spoiled ballot sends no message worth hearing.

  • Spoiling your vote isn’t a protest, it’s surrendering your voice to halfwits.
  • Frustration with politics is understandable, especially under current leadership, but a spoiled ballot achieves nothing.
  • Real change comes through engagement, not withdrawal from the democratic process.
  • Disillusionment is no excuse for silence.
  • Casting a valid vote, however reluctantly, is the only way to make democracy listen.

Today, TippFM Radio lead with a headline that suggests Tipperary Deputy Mr Mattie McGrath will be spoiling his vote in the upcoming Irish Presidential Election, since the two remaining candidate’s on the ballot paper, don’t represent his views.

Then yesterday, TippFM Radio lead with the news that Fianna Fáil TD Mr Ryan O’Meara (who hasn’t been in Dáil Éireann a wet week and has achieved nothing since elected), stated that because his party’s chosen candidate Mr Jim Gavin will still be on the ballot paper “he’ll most likely give him No 1, but is undecided on his transfers”.
Mr Gavin, as voters will be aware, pulled out of the campaign after it emerged, he knowingly failed, since 2009, to return overpaid rent (some €3,300) to a former tenant.

So here we have two elected TD sitting in our Irish parliament, both threatening to spoil their vote. Have these two powerful gods, who both greatly contribute to political disillusionment, consulted with those who mistakenly voted for them?

Disillusionment with Irish politics is hardly new!

As a presidential election approaches, the temptation to express frustration by spoiling your vote can be strong. Disillusionment with Irish politics is hardly new, and for many voters the choices on offer may indeed feel limited or uninspiring.
Yet, while spoiling a vote might seem like an act of protest, it ultimately carries no political weight, and serves only to silence the voter’s own voice.

A spoiled vote is recorded, but not counted. It doesn’t shape the outcome, nor does it send a clear signal of discontent. Political parties and candidates rarely draw meaning from spoiled ballots; they focus instead on the valid votes that determine who wins and who loses. If the aim is to make politicians listen, then a spoiled vote does not achieve it.

Those who advocate spoiling a ballot, serve only their wish to silence you the voter.

Democracy depends on participation. When citizens disengage, the balance of power shifts towards those who do turn out, often the more organised or entrenched interests. Casting a valid vote, even reluctantly, strengthens the democratic process and keeps it fully accountable. With Ireland’s system of proportional representation, every first preference vote can make a difference, particularly in tight local or constituency contests where margins are often slim.

Is to spoil a vote a symbolic statement against a broken political system????

Some “chowderhead’s” argue that spoiling a vote is a symbolic statement against a broken political system. But a spoiled ballot says only what a voter rejects, not what they want. A better form of protest is to vote for candidates that reflect our values more closely. Even a low tally of first-preference votes can shape political debate in future elections.

Let it never be forgotten that the right to vote in Ireland was hard-won. Generations before us fought to secure it, often at great personal risk and death. Choosing not to vote, or to use use your vote in a way that has no effect, diminishes the legacy they granted to the present generation and to future generations.

Ultimately, voting is both a right but also a responsibility. It is an expression of hope that things can change, however slowly. Spoiling a vote may provide psychological relief through the open expression of strong emotions in the moment, but it leaves the field to others to now decide your future.

Remember in a democracy, silence is never the strongest statement.

Left Behind – Thurles, Co. Tipperary Left Without A Single Bus Stop.

Residents in Thurles, Co. Tipperary are becoming increasingly frustrated at the continued absence of even one proper bus stop in the town centre or in the surrounding areas.

In the heart of Thurles, recent half-finished street upgrades have already removed up to 80% of available parking. For those depending on public transport, the situation is even worse: commuters are left with no proper designated public transport areas. Passengers now huddle beneath the overhead canopy of the AIB Bank, for limited shelter on wet days, or under the entrance of a canopy at Thurles Garda Station on Slievenamon Road, where buses are forced to double-park and block traffic – putting road users at further risk.

AI generated image of vacant area between Thurles Shopping Centre and Lidl Supermarket that if developed would give consumers options.

With winter fast approaching, this lack of basic infrastructure disproportionately affects families, students, older people, and anyone without access to a car. Something as simple as a sheltered bus stop would protect waiting passengers from rain and wind, while providing a safer, more accessible public transport system.

It is astonishing that in 2025, a town the size of Thurles still lacks such a fundamental amenity. This neglect hurts business footfall as much as residents on the move. While the government can allocate €336,000 for a covered shed supporting 36 bike spaces outside Dáil Éireann, surely the cost of installing a few bus shelters in Thurles would be only a fraction of that amount.

Beyond serving commuters, shelters in Thurles could even generate revenue. Advertising panels – whether static posters or digital displays – could provide income for Tipperary Co. Council itself while also improving currently decreasing town centre business.

The consequences of inaction are already clear. More people are resorting to driving, increasing congestion. Local shops are losing customers who might otherwise travel in by bus. Vulnerable groups – particularly the elderly, young people, and those on low incomes – are being left isolated. Businesses argue that this lack of provision is not just inconvenient, but unsafe, as passengers are forced to stand on busy pavements in poor weather with no protection.

This is a matter of fairness and safety. Public transport users in Thurles are not demanding the luxuries afforded to Leinster House – just the bare minimum: safe, accessible bus stops that connect the town to the wider region. Without them, Thurles will continue to fall behind.

AI generated image of area for a bus shelter as detailed in recent Thurles planning upgrade.

We read that Tipperary County Council, in conjunction with the Local Enterprise Office, is inviting applications from Town Centre Teams, Trader Associations, Chambers of Commerce, Community Groups, Farmers Markets, Craft Markets, or those involved in the craft sector under the Christmas Retail Support Programme. This grant scheme, (View Application Form Here) they believe, will support towns and villages to implement activities aimed at boosting or retaining Christmas spending. Yet this approach rings hollow. It represents a deliberate waste of public money (for really just a 30 day promotion), when parking spaces in medium size town centres like Thurles are being eradicated, leaving shoppers with fewer options. Without convenient parking or public transport facilities, people will simply turn to online shopping for what appears to be cheaper shopping options – undermining the very local retail trade this scheme claims to protect. [Do remember the phrase ” Buy Cheaper – Buy Twice”.]

It is time for Tipperary County Council, transport authorities, and national decision-makers to act. Bus stop facilities are not an optional extra – they are an essential part of building a connected, inclusive, and sustainable community.