More than half of the cigarette packs examined in a new industry-commissioned survey did not carry evidence that Irish excise duty had been paid.
The 2026 Empty Pack Survey, conducted on behalf of Japan Tobacco International (JTI) Ireland, examined 5,000 discarded cigarette packs collected from streets and public bins in 22 of Ireland’s largest towns and cities. The packs were gathered between February 16th and April 3rd last.
According to the then findings, 57% were classified as non-Irish duty paid, mNo Duty Paid on image suppliedeaning Irish taxes had not been paid on them. However, this category includes both illegal tobacco and cigarettes legally purchased abroad and subsequently brought into Ireland. Fourteen per cent of all packs examined were identified as counterfeit. Counterfeit cigarettes are manufactured without the brand owner’s permission and are generally produced to imitate legitimate products, deceive consumers and evade taxation.
Significant geographical differences were reported. Galway recorded the country’s highest proportion of non-Irish duty-paid packs, at 75%. Swords followed at 66%, according to the published results. Wexford had the highest reported counterfeit rate, with counterfeit products accounting for 25% of packs collected there. Ennis recorded a rate of 20%, followed by Waterford at 19%. The survey covered 22 towns and cities, but the accessible reports do not indicate that Clonmel, Nenagh, Thurles or another Tipperary location was included.
Researchers assessed the discarded packs to establish their likely origin, examine their tax markings and determine whether they were authentic. The findings should be interpreted with some caution. Because the research was commissioned by a tobacco company and relied on discarded packs, it does not necessarily represent the proportion of all cigarettes consumed or sold in Ireland. Empty-pack studies also cannot establish whether every non-Irish duty-paid pack entered the country illegally.
The latest official comparison currently available is Revenue and the HSE’s independently conducted 2024 survey of packs held by smokers. It classified 26% as illegal and another 11% as legal but non-Irish duty paid. Counterfeits represented less than 1% of the illegal packs in that study.
“People who live in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones”
Geoffrey Chaucer 1385, in his epic poem Troilus and Criseyde (Book II) wrote: “Who that hath an hed of verre, Fro cast of stones war hym in the werre!”, (Translated: “He who has a head of glass should beware of hostile stones.”) The phrase warns against hypocrisy.
Sinn Féin justice spokesperson Mr Matt Carthy says violent offenders should “serve the custodial sentence that they were given.”
He raised questions after Ms Alison Chawke was released under supervision, after serving only four weeks of an effective 12-month sentence for a serious assault. Ms Chawke had received an effective 12-month custodial sentence. She had served approximately four weeks, before entering the Community Return Scheme. She remains strictly supervised by the Probation Service and must perform unpaid work; the scheme is formally restricted to prisoners assessed as posing no threat to the community.
But where was this absolute principle when Sinn Féin supported the accelerated release of republican prisoners under the Good Friday Agreement?
A total of 428 republican and Loyalist paramilitary prisoners received early release, including 143 serving life sentences. Among the first 248 released, official figures show that 78 had been convicted of murder. Sinn Féin strongly supported the Agreement and its prisoner-release provisions.
The Good Friday Agreement was an exceptional peace settlement, endorsed by voters, and its releases cannot simply be equated with an ordinary criminal-justice decision. Nevertheless, Mr Carthy cannot credibly declare that all violent offenders must serve their full custodial sentences without acknowledging the major exception his very own political party supported.
He is entitled to question Ms Chawke’s release, the risk assessment and the effect of prison overcrowding.
But consistency matters. If early release can be justified for people convicted of murder to advance peace, Sinn Féin should explain why supervised release can never be justified for rehabilitation or prison management today.
Otherwise, its position looks less like a consistent principle and more like political hypocrisy.
Nenagh Gaol Has Not Been Closed to Visitors for 100 Years – New Project Concerns a Separate Cell Block
Nenagh Gaol, Co. Tipperary.
A recent press report [Irish Independent shown here] announcing a new exhibition at Nenagh Gaol could give readers the mistaken impression that the entire historic site has been closed to the public for more than a century. That is not the case.
Nenagh Heritage Centre, situated within the former gaol complex, has welcomed thousands of visitors since 1984. It occupies the former Governor’s House and Gatehouse, where visitors can already explore the site’s history and see the condemned cells associated with the 17 men executed there between 1842 and 1858.
The new proposed development relates specifically to a separate three-storey cell block that has not previously formed part of the public visitor experience. Tipperary County Council’s planning documents describe this building as a former cell block currently used as a council storage area. The project will conserve and adapt this previously inaccessible block, connect it with the existing Heritage Centre and introduce a new visitor exhibition, featuring interpretation and audio-visual displays.
Therefore, while it may be correct to say that this particular cell block is being opened to visitors for the first time in more than 100 years, it is inaccurate to suggest that Nenagh Gaol or its Heritage Centre has been closed throughout that period.
There is also a difference in the figures being reported. The official eTenders notice gives the estimated contract value as €110,000 excluding VAT, rather than just under €130,000.
Tourists in the area are encouraged to visit this historic venue, which historically housed those sentenced to death by public hanging. See link shown HERE
Today marks the anniversary of the murder of Detective Garda Frank Hand, who was fatally shot by members of the Provisional IRA; latter the paramilitary organisation historically and politically associated with Sinn Féin, while protecting a delivery of pension and social-welfare money in County Meath.
On the morning of August 10th 1984, Detective Garda Hand and his colleague, Detective Garda Michael Dowd, were travelling in an unmarked Garda car as the armed escort for a Post Office mail van. When the vehicles stopped outside Drumree Post Office, they were confronted by an armed Provisional IRA unit attempting to rob the delivery. Gunfire was exchanged between the raiders and the Gardaí. Both detectives were wounded, but Detective Garda Hand’s injuries sadly proved fatal.
Scott Gold Medal
The stolen money was subsequently recovered. Mr Tony Eccles, Mr Patrick McPhillips and Mr Brian McShane were convicted of Detective Garda Hand’s capital murder. They all received death sentences, which were commuted to 40 years imprisonment. The three men were later released early under the provisions associated with the Belfast Agreement.
Detective Mr Frank Hand was born on August 29th 1957, the fourth of seven children from Ardmullen, Curraghboy, County Roscommon, (near Athlone). He joined An Garda Síochána on July 20th 1977. After completing his training, at the Garda Training Centre in Templemore, County Tipperary, (Today called the Garda College), he was assigned to Donnybrook Garda Station in Dublin. On April 16th 1982, he was appointed to the Central Detective Unit at Harcourt Square.
During his short but distinguished career, he also played an important part in the arrest of murderer Mr Malcolm MacArthur in 1982. Detective Hand played a key role in the August 1982 arrest of murderer Mr MacArthur at the Attorney General’s apartment in Dalkey. Detective Hand had remained stationed at the rear of the property, while other officers moved towards the front; Assistant Garda Commissioner Mr Tony Hickey later recalled that this decision had prevented MacArthur from escaping.
Detective Hand was killed just19 days before his 27th birthday. He had married Ms Breda Horgan; also a member of An Garda Síochána, only five weeks earlier. His newly married wife was then pregnant at the time of his death, and their daughter, Fiona, was born after her father was murdered.
Detective Hand gave his life while protecting his colleagues and the public. Behind the uniform was a young husband, an expectant father and a dedicated Garda whose future was taken from him in an act of criminal violence.
Today, we remember Detective Garda Frank Hand, his widow Mrs Breda Hand, his daughter Fiona, his wider family and all those affected by the attack at Drumree.
The Irish Government reportedly spent €4.1 million in less than one year on security at a modular housing development for Ukrainian families in Clonmel, County Tipperary.
The figure relates to the development on Heywood Road, Clonmel, where 82 modular homes were constructed under the State’s Rapid Build Housing Programme. Designed for four residents per unit, the complex can accommodate approximately 328 people who fled the war in Ukraine.
€4.1 million security bill to protect 82 Tipperary homes.
At first glance, a €4.1 million security bill for 82 homes is extraordinary. However, it is important to understand why extensive security was introduced. In May 2024, while the site was being developed, security workers were assaulted and several vehicles were set on fire. One worker required hospital treatment. Gardaí launched an investigation and appealed for witnesses and video footage.
The security concerns did not disappear when construction finished. After Ukrainian families began moving into the homes in July 2025, residents reported broken windows and fences, stones being thrown, bicycles and scooters being stolen, and children being threatened or deliberately provoked.
Justice Minister Jim O’Callaghan subsequently said he feared some of the violence was being orchestrated for broader political purposes. Residents told journalists that they simply wanted to feel safe.
Nevertheless, the scale of the expenditure demands a detailed explanation. Spread over 11 months, €4.1 million would equal approximately €373,000 per month, €12,250 per day or €50,000 for each modular home. These are illustrative calculations because the exact payment period has not yet been publicly confirmed.
Several important questions therefore remain unanswered. How many guards were employed? Was security provided around the clock? Which company received the contract? Was it awarded through a competitive tender? Did the €4.1 million cover only security personnel, or did it also include fencing, CCTV, lighting, vehicles, VAT and other protective measures? It should also be made clear that the money was not paid to the Ukrainian residents. It was Government expenditure on protecting a State-supported construction project, its workers and the families eventually accommodated there.
The attacks provide a genuine explanation for enhanced security, but they do not remove the requirement for financial accountability. The Government should now publish the full contract, the dates covered, the procurement process and an itemised breakdown of the €4.1 million.
Protecting vulnerable families is necessary. Explaining how €4.1 million of public money was spent is equally necessary.
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