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Ireland Steps Up Immigration Enforcement As South Africa Charter Flight & IPAS Figures Confirmed.

Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration Mr Jim O’Callaghan has confirmed that 42 South African nationals were removed from the State on a charter deportation flight this week.
The flight departed Dublin Airport at 3.30pm on Thursday, June 18th 2026, and landed in Johannesburg at 4.00am Irish time, this morning Friday, June 19th.

Those removed were 9 men, 18 women and 15 children. The Department confirmed that all children were travelling as part of family units.
The operation was the fourth deportation charter flight carried out so far in 2026. Three earlier charter operations this year removed 130 people from the State, including 67 EU citizens removed on grounds of criminality.
This follows six charter operations in 2025, during which 205 people were removed from Ireland. Of these, 182 were people subject to deportation orders, while 23 EU nationals were removed under Removal Orders.
The aircraft for the latest South Africa operation was provided by Air Partner Ltd at a cost of €735,000, excluding VAT, for a return flight. The Department said the total cost of the operation is not yet available, as the invoicing process has not been completed.

Minister O’Callaghan said Ireland’s immigration system must be “rules based and robust”, adding that the enforcement of deportation orders is necessary for the system to work effectively and to maintain public confidence.
He also stressed that the vast majority of South African nationals living in Ireland are legally resident and make a positive contribution to society. He thanked An Garda Síochána and officials from his department for their work in carrying out what he described as complex operations.

The Department has also confirmed a significant increase in deportation orders in recent years. In 2025, 4,700 deportation orders were signed, a 96% increase on 2024. Up to June 12th 2026, a further 2,108 deportation orders had been signed.
Departures from the State have also increased. In 2024, 1,122 people left Ireland through enforced deportation, voluntary return or other mechanisms. In 2025, that figure rose to 2,111, an increase of 88%. Up to June 12th, 2026, 1,034 people had departed through these pathways.

However, voluntary return remains the Department’s preferred method for removing people who have no legal status in the State, including those refused international protection. In 2024, 934 people availed of voluntary return. That increased to 1,616 in 2025, while 712 people had used the voluntary return process up to June 12th, 2026.

Separately, new figures show there have been 27 critical incidents at International Protection Accommodation Service centres so far this year.
Minister O’Callaghan confirmed the figure in a written Dáil reply to Independent Ireland. The 27 critical incidents recorded to date in 2026 compare with 62 in all of 2025, 55 in 2024, 50 in 2023, 37 in 2022 and 14 in 2021.
The Minister said the figures should be viewed in the context of the large increase in the number of people living in IPAS accommodation. Current resident numbers are approximately 33,000 across 305 centres, compared with just over 7,000 residents at the end of 2021.
Overall, 2,568 incidents have been recorded at IPAS centres so far this year, compared with 5,725 in 2025.
The Department said incidents in IPAS accommodation can range from general or minor issues, such as complaints about behaviour or noise, to critical incidents involving mental health, self-harm or the unexpected death of a resident.

Minister O’Callaghan said IPAS teams engage with centre management when incidents occur and that providers are expected to comply with incident response policies. He also said centre management maintain ongoing contact with local Gardaí and that An Garda Síochána are contacted where there are concerns about violence or criminal activity.

The Minister also confirmed that 1,909 warning letters have been issued to IPAS residents so far this year. This compares with 4,127 warning letters in 2025 and 3,170 in 2024.
There have also been 239 transfers between IPAS centres so far in 2026, compared with 544 transfers in 2025 and 521 in 2024.

In a separate Dáil response; Minister O’Callaghan said the Department’s allocation for IPAS accommodation in 2026 is €1.1 billion. This compares with spending of €1.27 billion in 2025.
He said this is the first time in five years that the budget for international protection accommodation and supports is lower than the previous year.

Further charter removal operations are expected to take place during 2026.

A Dark Vote for Ireland: TDs Move To Remove A Last Safeguard For The Unborn.

The Dáil vote to advance Sinn Féin’s morally reprehensible Bill, abolishing the mandatory three-day waiting period before abortion, is a deeply troubling moment for Ireland.

While this was not yet the final passing of this law, it was nevertheless a decisive and shameful step. The Bill passed Second Stage by 86 votes to 70, with no abstentions recorded. It now moves to further scrutiny, but the message from a majority of TDs is already clear; one of the few remaining safeguards in Ireland’s abortion law is now in their sights.

The three-day wait was not an extreme measure. It was a modest pause. It recognised that abortion is not ordinary healthcare, but the ending of a developing human life. It gave space for reflection, for pressure to ease, and perhaps for a mother to receive support, hope and alternatives. Removing it makes abortion faster, easier and more routine.

This is Sinn Féin’s Bill.
Under Mary Lou McDonald’s leadership, a party that speaks constantly about housing, poverty, families and equality has chosen to put its political weight behind stripping away a safeguard for unborn children. That says a great deal about the moral direction of the party. Sinn Féin presents itself as the voice of ordinary Ireland, yet here it has helped lead an attack on the most voiceless human beings in the Irish State.

Will there be a referendum?
As things stand, probably not. The 2018 referendum removed constitutional protection for the unborn and handed the Oireachtas power to legislate for abortion. That means TDs can now change abortion law without returning to the people, unless a future constitutional amendment is proposed. This is exactly why voters were previously warned that legal protections could be steadily dismantled once the Eighth Amendment was gone.

The voting record also deserves close attention. Published breakdowns show no abstentions, but several TDs were absent or not recorded as voting. The absent/not-recorded names listed include, note; Tipperary TD Alan Kelly, Thomas Byrne, Niamh Smyth, Peter “Chap” Cleere, James O’Connor, Jennifer Murnane O’Connor, James Lawless, Conor D. McGuinness, Denise Mitchell, John Brady, Rose Conway-Walsh, Sorca Clarke, Helen McEntee, Hildegarde Naughton, Patrick O’Donovan, Neale Richmond, Verona Murphy, Charles Ward and Richard O’Donoghue.

In Tipperary, Mr Alan Kelly of Labour, (Tipperary North), was listed as absent. Both Mr Michael Lowry and Mr Ryan O’Meara voted NO; in Tipperary South, Mr Séamus Healy voted YES, while Mr Mattie McGrath and Mr Michael Murphy voted NO.

And where are the Churches?
The bishops have made statements defending life, but many ordinary christians feel the public witness has been far too quiet, cautious and muted. At a moment like this, Ireland does not need whispers. It needs moral clarity.

This vote should not be forgotten. Every TD who voted Yes, and every TD who failed to vote should be remembered.
Ireland deserves better than this.

Shergar, IRA, Sinn Féin Connection – What Princess Zahra’s New Account Adds.

For more than four decades, the kidnapping of Shergar has stood as one of the darkest and strangest crimes in Irish racing history. The Derby-winning stallion, whose ten-length victory at Epsom in 1981 remains the widest winning margin in the race’s long history, was stolen from Ballymany Stud in County Kildare, on the night of February 8th, 1983.

Now Princess Zahra Aga Khan, daughter of the late Aga Khan, has spoken publicly about the trauma for the first time. Her account adds a chilling new detail; Shergar was not kept alive for a long ransom negotiation. She says he was killed within two days of being taken, and that his death was carried out “in an awful way.”

The ransom demand was £2 million, but it was never paid. Princess Zahra has explained that the decision was not as simple as one wealthy owner refusing to hand over money. Shergar had been syndicated, meaning the Aga Khan did not own him outright. The other shareholders had to be considered, and there was also a deeper moral question: if the money was going to the IRA, could it later be used against human beings?

Shergar.

That question helps explain why the ransom was withheld. It was not just about money, insurance, or ownership structure. It was about refusing to fund violence.
Shergar had not been insured against kidnapping. As Princess Zahra put it, who would ever have imagined that someone would kidnap a horse? Yet that is exactly what happened. Armed men broke into the stud, took the horse, and briefly abducted groom Mr Jim Fitzgerald, before releasing him. Shergar’s body to date has never been found.

The IRA has long been suspected of carrying out the kidnapping. The commonly accepted version is that the operation was amateurish and badly planned. The kidnappers were prepared for a ransom demand, but not for the reality of handling a valuable, nervous, full-grown thoroughbred stallion. Shergar was a national symbol of Irish breeding and racing, but to the gang that took him, he seems to have been a fundraising target they did not know how to control.

This is where Mr Sean O’Callaghan (Irish Republican Army’s Southern Commander) enters the story. Mr O’Callaghan was a former Provisional IRA member who later became an informer for the Gardaí. In later accounts, he claimed the Shergar plot was an IRA fundraising operation that went wrong almost immediately. His version was that the kidnappers could not manage the horse, that Shergar panicked, and that he was killed shortly after being taken. Princess Zahra’s new account appears to strengthen the general outline that Shergar died early in the abduction rather than after a prolonged captivity.

In 2008, The Sunday Telegraph reported claims from another IRA member that Shergar was killed after a planned vet failed to appear and the ransom was not paid. With Gardaí searches making release difficult, allegedly decided it was too risky to let the horse go and ordered him shot four days after the kidnapping. The source said two men entered the stable, one with a machine gun, and Shergar died a violent, bloody death.

“There was blood everywhere and the horse even slipped on his own blood. There was lots of cussin’ and swearin’ because the horse wouldn’t die. It was a very bloody death.”

But Mr O’Callaghan’s role also raises an important political point: what, if anything, is the Sinn Féin connection?
The true Sinn Féin connection is not that Sinn Féin has been proved to have ordered or carried out the Shergar kidnapping. No such proof has been established, and no one was ever convicted over Shergar’s disappearance.
The documented Sinn Féin connection is Mr Sean O’Callaghan himself. He was not only a former IRA figure and later informer; he was also elected in 1985 as a Sinn Féin councillor in Tralee, County Kerry. That means one of the best-known sources for the IRA account of Shergar’s death, had a real political connection to Sinn Féin.

That distinction matters.
Sinn Féin was widely regarded during the Troubles as the political wing of the republican movement, while the Provisional IRA was the armed organisation. The two were closely associated in public perception and republican politics, but they were not the same legal entity. So the accurate statement is this: the Shergar kidnapping has long been attributed to the Provisional IRA, and one of the key later sources on the alleged IRA role, Mr Sean O’Callaghan, was also a Sinn Féin councillor. That is the real Sinn Féin link personal, political, and historical, not a proven party role in the crime itself.

Princess Zahra’s comments bring the story back from conspiracy and folklore to its human and moral core. Shergar was not an abstract symbol, a ransom asset, or a political bargaining chip. He was a remarkable animal, described by those who knew him as kind and gentle, and he was killed because criminals tried to turn him into money.

The tragedy is sharpened by what he represented. Shergar was one of the greatest racehorses of his generation, a symbol of Irish racing excellence, and a source of national pride. His kidnapping was not only a blow to the Aga Khan’s family and racing operation; it was an act that shocked Ireland and Britain because it violated something people regarded as beyond politics.

More than forty years later, the essential facts remain grim. Shergar was kidnapped. A ransom was demanded. The money was not paid, partly because it could have funded violence. The IRA has long been suspected. Mr Sean O’Callaghan, a former IRA man, Garda informer, and later Sinn Féin councillor, gave one of the most influential accounts of what happened. Princess Zahra has now added that Shergar was killed within two days, and in a terrible way.

Shergar’s remains have never been recovered. His killers were never brought before a court. But the latest account from Princess Zahra makes one thing clearer than ever; the kidnapping was not a clever political operation. It was a cruel, bungled crime that destroyed one of racing’s greatest horses.

Hamas’s Other Victims: Palestinians in Gaza.

If Irish political leaders from Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats want to speak about justice, human rights and moral responsibility, then they should be willing to condemn all terror, including Hamas’s terror against Palestinians, with the same force.

For years, too many people including members of Sinn Féin have labelled the present Hamas as “freedom fighters,” as if brutality becomes noble when it is wrapped in political language. But a new United Nations report makes the reality impossible to ignore: Hamas does not only terrorise Israelis. It terrorises Palestinians too.

The UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry has now documented a pattern of executions, torture, maiming and public punishment inside Gaza. This is not Israeli propaganda. This is not rumour. This is the United Nations describing Palestinians as “victims of all sides,” trapped between mass atrocities, repression and armed groups willing to rule through fear.

According to the report, the Commission identified 249 cases of executions and severe physical violence in Gaza during 2024–2025, resulting in at least 108 deaths and 384 injuries. The report says Hamas-affiliated forces were involved in at least 60 incidents, including public executions and brutal punishments carried out in front of communities.

The details are horrific. Men were reportedly blindfolded and shot in public squares. Others were beaten with metal pipes. Bones were deliberately broken. Victims were kneecapped, maimed, humiliated and punished in ways designed not only to injure the individual, but to send a message to everyone watching: obey, or this could be you.

The UN report describes these acts as amounting to the “war crimes of murder and torture.” That sentence should stop everyone in their tracks.
Public executions are not justice. Beatings with metal pipes are not resistance. Breaking the bones of Palestinians in the streets of Gaza is not liberation. It is terror.
And it matters that these crimes were carried out publicly. The Commission itself expressed alarm at the “severity and public nature” of the violence. Public punishment is a political tool. It is designed to spread fear, silence dissent, intimidate rivals, and remind ordinary civilians that the armed men are in control.

This is the truth many Irish people have refused to face: Hamas’s cruelty is not reserved for Israelis. It extends to Palestinians living under its rule. Palestinians in Gaza have been used as human shields, denied political freedom, exposed to ruinous wars, and now, according to the UN’s own findings, subjected to executions and torture by Hamas-affiliated forces.
None of this reduces the suffering of civilians in Gaza. It explains part of it. Palestinians are not served by pretending Hamas is a heroic movement. They are betrayed by that lie.

The UN has now put more evidence on the record. The question is whether those who excused Hamas for years will finally listen.
There is no freedom in being dragged into a square and shot. There is no dignity in being beaten with pipes. There is no liberation in broken bones.
Hamas is not a movement of freedom. It is a movement of fear.

A genuine concern for Palestinian lives must include concern for Palestinians abused by Hamas. A genuine defence of human rights must condemn torture whether the victim is Israeli or Palestinian. A genuine commitment to justice must reject the fantasy that armed extremists become moral actors simply because they claim to speak for an oppressed people.
Hamas has shown the world what it is through its actions: massacre, hostage-taking, repression, torture and public executions. It has brought misery to both Israelis and Palestinians alike.

That is why the latest Dáil debate on Ireland’s fixtures against Israel should trouble anyone who cares about moral consistency. Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats pushed motions aimed at stopping the Ireland-Israel matches and seeking Israel’s exclusion from international sport, but the Dáil rejected those proposals after Government amendments stated that the fixture is a matter for the Football Association of Ireland, not Government. The amended motions passed by 81 votes to 68.

The FAI is now considering whether the October 4th fixture should go ahead in Dublin or be moved to a neutral venue, with Hungary reported as a possible alternative, subject to UEFA approval.
But the wider question remains: why is there such political energy devoted to isolating Israel from sport, while far less attention is paid to the UN’s own findings that Hamas-affiliated forces have executed, tortured and maimed Palestinians in Gaza?

If Irish political leaders want to speak about justice, human rights and moral responsibility, then they should be willing to condemn all terror, including Hamas’s terror against Palestinians, with the same force.

The Dáil vote at least recognised that sporting fixtures are not for Government to dictate, but the debate also exposed how often the crimes of Hamas are treated as secondary, even when the victims are Palestinians themselves.

EU Migration Pact: Ireland Needs Compassion, But Also Control And Public Safety.

The EU Migration and Asylum Pact must be judged by one simple test: does it help Ireland and Europe manage migration in a way that is fair, humane, lawful and safe?

Compassion matters. People fleeing war, persecution and real danger should be treated with dignity. Ireland has a proud tradition of helping people in need, and that should not be abandoned.
But compassion cannot mean naivety. It cannot mean weak borders, poor screening, endless delays, or communities being told to accept decisions without proper consultation. It also cannot mean ignoring the genuine fear many Irish people now feel when they see violent attacks, pressure on housing, pressure on services, and a growing sense that ordinary people are not being listened to.

Across Ireland and Northern Ireland, people have been shaken by serious crimes and brutal attacks; the murder of teacher Ashling Murphy, the horrific attack on a priest in Downpatrick, and the shocking attempted beheading attack in Belfast. These cases are not all the same, and it would be wrong to use every tragedy to blame migrants as a whole. Most migrants are not criminals, and many come here to work, contribute and live peacefully.
But it would also be wrong for politicians to dismiss public concern as racism or extremism every time people ask serious questions about security, vetting, deportation, border control and community safety.

A fair migration system must protect refugees, but it must also protect the host community. That means proper identity checks, faster decisions, stronger removal of people who have no right to stay, and immediate action where anyone; be they Irish or non-Irish, poses a danger to the public.

The EU Migration Pact certainly may bring more structure to the asylum system, but structure alone is not enough. Faster procedures must still be fair. Human rights must be respected. But public safety must also be treated as a human right, because Irish people have the right to feel safe in their towns, churches, schools, streets and homes.
The debate should not be reduced to two extremes. On one side, there are people who want to shut the door completely. On the other, there are people who seem unwilling to admit that uncontrolled migration creates real problems. Ireland needs neither open-door idealism nor hatred. Ireland needs balance.

That balance should be clear:
We should welcome genuine refugees.
We should reject racism and violence against innocent people.
We should remove those who abuse the system.
We should never ignore crimes that terrify communities.
We should demand honesty from government instead of slogans.

The EU Migration Pact will only work if it restores trust. Trust requires fairness for asylum seekers, but also fairness for Irish citizens. Trust requires compassion, but also enforcement. Trust requires humanity, but also common sense.
Migration must be managed properly. Borders must mean something. Communities must be consulted. Dangerous people must not be allowed to fall through the cracks.

Ireland can be generous, but generosity must be matched with responsibility. A humane country protects the vulnerable, and that includes both those seeking refuge and the Irish people who expect their government to keep them safe.