The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has today published its greenhouse gas emission projections for the period 2025-2055.
Ireland’s greenhouse gas emissions could achieve a reduction of up to 25% by 2030, compared to a national target of 51%, with full implementation of a wide range of policies and plans across all sectors.
Ireland will be close to meeting the first carbon budget, but nearly all sectors are on track to exceed their sectoral emissions ceilings for the second carbon budget by 2030.
Ireland is projected to exceed its EU Effort Sharing Regulation target of 42% reduction by 2030. EPA projects a maximum reduction of 23%.
With less than four years left to 2030, there must be a strong focus on implementation of policies and measures to meet climate targets which will deliver wide-ranging benefits from environmental protection, supporting public health and wellbeing and reducing Ireland’s dependence on fossil fuels.
EPA analysis shows that Ireland’s planned climate policies and measures could deliver reductions of up to 25% of emissions by 2030, compared to 2018 levels. Assessment of the latest information provided by Governmental bodies and sector representatives indicates that the gap to target is widening in some sectors of the economy, while narrowing in others.
Ireland’s greenhouse gas emissions are projected to be close to meeting the first Carbon Budget (2021-2025) of 295 Mt CO2eq. The second budget is projected to be exceeded by a significant margin of 53 to 82 Mt CO2eq.
Transport, Industry and the Buildings (Commercial and Public) sectors are projected to be the furthest from achieving their sectoral emission ceilings in 2030. Agriculture emissions are projected to reduce by up to 19%.
Dr Eimear Cotter, EPA Director General, said: “The EPA’s projections show that the current rate of delivery of the Climate Action Plan and associated policies could reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25% by 2030 – only half of the reductions needed. While greenhouse gas emissions are declining, European and national emission reduction targets are projected to be missed. There must be a renewed focus on delivering the actions to meet Ireland’s climate targets which will be a significant challenge given the short timeframe to 2030.”
Dr Cotter added: “Meeting these targets will deliver multiple benefits. These include reducing Ireland’s reliance on fossil fuels in electricity, transport and heating and strengthening national energy security and resilience. Achieving these emission reductions will also improve public health, provide green employment and protect our environment. Overall, these trends demonstrate that progress is achievable but accelerating delivery is critical. Renewable energy is now expected to provide nearly 60% of Ireland’s electricity by 2030. It is imperative given the increasing demand for electricity across several sectors, that renewables are delivered at the pace and scale required to meet this demand.”
Agriculture. Depending on the level of implementation of measures outlined in Government policies and plans, total emissions from the Agriculture sector will decrease between 4% and 19% over the period of 2018 to 2030. Changes in nitrogen fertiliser usage, switching to different fertilisers and lower anticipated livestock numbers contribute to projected emissions savings. A direct comparison of the Agriculture sector against its absolute Sectoral Emission Ceiling is no longer possible given recent scientific updates to baseline historical agriculture emissions.
Transport. Emissions from Transport are projected to reduce by up to 28% over the period 2018 to 2030, if the measures set out in plans and policies are implemented. These include at least 751,000 electric vehicles on the road by 2030, increased biofuel blend rates and measures to support more sustainable transport.
Residential Emissions. Emissions from fuel combustion for home and hot water heating are projected to decrease by up to 18% by 2030. Lower uptake of home energy improvement measures, including planned heat pump installation in existing dwellings, has lowered predictions for emissions savings by 2030.
Industry. Fuel combustion in manufacturing is the primary source of emissions in this sector; emissions from mineral, chemical and metal industries contribute the next largest portion. Emissions from this sector are projected to reduce by 12% over the period 2018 to 2030.
Energy. Continued rollout of renewable electricity generation to provide 52% – 59% of Ireland’s electricity by 2030 as well as increased importation of electricity from interconnectors, are contributing to reductions in Ireland’s emissions. However, delayed delivery of planned renewable energy projects such as offshore wind have lowered potential emissions savings by 2030.
Land use. Emissions from this sector are projected to increase between 4% to 72% over the period of 2018 to 2030 as Irish forestry reaches harvesting age, and shifts from being a carbon sink to a source of emissions. Planned policies and measures for the sector, such as increased afforestation, water table management on agricultural organic soils and peatland rehabilitation are projected to reduce the extent of the emissions increase.
Commenting, Dr Conor Quinlan, Programme Manager said: “The shortfall to our 2030 targets is narrowing in some sectors, for example emissions in the Transport sector are now projected to reduce by up to 28%. Encouragingly, projections for electric vehicle uptake has improved, reflecting growing confidence in the transition to cleaner transport. In contrast, the gap is widening in others such as the Residential sector which is projected now to reduce by up to 18%. It is imperative that ambition and action is maintained across all sectors if we are to meet our targets and realise the benefits of decarbonisation for our society.”
Senator Frances Black’s maximalism is no substitute for serious government and Micheál Martin is right to put Ireland’s interests before current Sinn Féin and opposition political theatre.
Taoiseach Micheál Martin deserves much credit for bringing a measure to Cabinet that is possibly legally focused, diplomatically serious, and economically responsible. In limiting the Israeli Settlements Bill to goods rather than extending it to services, he has done what responsible governments are supposed to do; distinguish between what is politically satisfying and what is actually implementable.
Taoiseach Mr Micheál Martin.
There is a world of difference between taking a symbolic stand and passing workable law. A ban on goods from Israeli settlements can be monitored through customs, import records, product origin and enforcement mechanisms already known to the State. It is narrow, targeted and legally intelligible. A services ban, by contrast, would be a minefield. What exactly is a settlement-linked service? A hotel booking? A cloud contract? A software licence? A payment platform? A professional service? A mapping tool? A multinational with branches in Ireland, Israel and the United States could easily be caught in a web of uncertainty.
That is why Micheál Martin’s warning matters. Ireland is not an isolated moral debating society. It is a small, open economy whose prosperity depends heavily on foreign direct investment, especially from American multinationals. To dismiss those concerns is not bravery; it is total recklessness. A government that casually exposes Irish jobs, tax revenue and diplomatic relationships to avoidable risk is not acting in solidarity with anyone. It is indulging in gesture politics at the taxpayers expense.
What has the now recovering but once alcohol dependent Senator Frances Black actually achieved in nearly ten years in the Seanad, apart from making opposition to Israel the centrepiece of her political identity? She has introduced bills and spoken on worthy causes, but there is little evidence of major, enacted legislation bearing her name that has transformed life for ordinary Irish people. On the otherhand, Micheál Martin is accountable for the national interest; Senator Black is free to pursue activist politics without carrying the same responsibility for Irish jobs, Irish investment, diplomacy or Ireland’s relationship with the United States. That is the difference between government and protest.
This is where Senator Frances Black and others in the opposition are wrong. Their demand to include services may sound stronger, but stronger rhetoric is not the same as stronger law. It is easy, from the opposition benches, to denounce, condemn and demand the maximum possible measure. It is harder to govern, to take legal advice seriously, and to protect the national interest, while still making a principled foreign policy statement.
Senator Black has been consistent on this issue, and consistency is not in itself a fault. But her criticism of the Government’s bill as a “partial ban” misses the central point. Partial laws are often better than performative laws that collapse under legal challenge or produce unintended economic damage. The question is not whether a services ban sounds morally satisfying. The question is whether it can be defined, enforced and defended without harming Ireland more than the target it is aimed at. Micheál Martin has answered that question honestly.
Ireland also needs to be careful not to slide from criticism of settlements into an attitude of hostility toward Israel itself. Israel is a democratic state facing real security threats, including terrorism, regional hostility and the trauma of repeated attacks on its citizens. One does not have to agree with every Israeli government policy to recognise Israel’s right to exist, defend itself, trade, innovate and maintain normal diplomatic relations with democratic countries like Ireland.
Too much of the Irish debate has lost that balance. There is often immense passion for condemning Israel, but far less energy for acknowledging Israeli suffering, Israeli security fears, or the fact that peace will require negotiation, not one-sided denunciation. When Irish politicians speak as though pressure on Israel alone will solve the conflict, they offer the public a dangerously simplified picture.
Micheál Martin’s approach is more mature. He has supported Palestinian statehood. He has backed international legal processes. He has criticised Israeli actions where he believes criticism is warranted. But he has also recognised that Ireland must act within the limits of law, competence and economic reality. That is real statesmanship. It is not cowardice. It is the difference between governing or campaigning in support of terrorism.
The opposition’s approach risks turning Ireland’s foreign policy into a theatre of moral absolutism. The loudest voice is not always the wisest. The most punitive proposal is not always the most just. The most dramatic amendment is not always the most effective law. Senator Black and her allies should ask themselves whether they want legislation that can actually pass and operate, or whether they prefer a slogan that makes them feel righteous while leaving Ireland exposed.
There is also a wider diplomatic danger. Ireland has already developed a reputation in Israel and among many supporters of Israel as being disproportionately hostile. A goods-only bill is controversial enough. Expanding it to services could deepen that perception, damage Ireland’s relationship with Israel, and invite serious concern from the United States. A small country must choose its battles carefully. Moral conviction is important, but so is prudence.
Supporting Micheál Martin on this issue does not require abandoning compassion for Palestinians. It requires accepting that good intentions are not enough. Law must be clear. Enforcement must be realistic. Economic consequences must be weighed. Diplomatic relationships must be protected. And Israel, whatever criticisms may be made of its government, should not be treated as a pariah by a country that benefits enormously from international trade, technology and democratic alliances.
Micheál Martin has taken the responsible course. He has advanced a small targeted measure, while refusing to be pushed into an unworkable services ban. Senator Frances Black; Sinn Féin and that dwindling Trotskyist political party known as “People Before Profit”, together with others in opposition may prefer the politics of maximalism, but Ireland needs the politics of seriousness.
Mr Micheál Martin should travel to Israel, not to apologise for Ireland’s principles, but to repair a badly damaged relationship and make clear that Ireland is not anti-Jewish, anti-Israel, or indifferent to Israeli suffering. He should meet Israeli leaders, hostage families, survivors of the October 7th attacks, Irish-Israeli citizens, and Jewish community representatives. Such a visit would show that Ireland can criticise particular Israeli policies without demonising Israel itself, and that serious diplomacy means speaking directly to both sides rather than grandstanding from a distance. A Taoiseachial visit to Israel, ideally alongside some engagement with Palestinian representatives, would be an act of real statesmanship; firm on Ireland’s values, respectful of Israel’s security and trauma, and determined to rebuild trust, where Irish political opposition rhetoric has done real damage.
But for God sake leave the gullible Mr Simon Harris; Mrs Helen McEntee and our President Mrs Catherine Connolly at home.
Lyrics and Vocals: Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award, American folk singer-songwriter Tom Paxton whose career spans more than sixty years.
Folk SingerTom Paxton
Tom Paxton wrote “Buy a Gun for Your Son” in the mid-1960s at the height of the Vietnam War era. He performed it on Pete Seeger’s Rainbow Quest in 1965. It is not a song in praise of guns or war; it is pure satire, using cheerful, almost advertising-like language to expose how casually children can be taught to admire violence. Paxton released it on Ain’t That News with Elektra, and more than half a century later its bite is still sharp. So before you listen to it, it is worth remembering, that the joke is bitter, the target is serious, and the question underneath it is still with us and asks what exactly are we teaching the next generation to value?
Buy A Gun For Your Son.
Buy A Gun For Your Son.
Hallelujah, Dads and Mommies, Cowboys, rebels, Yanks and commies, Buy yourselves some real red-blooded fun. If you want to make the grade, You’ve got to have a hand grenade, And a fully automatic G.I. gun.
Chorus. So buy a gun for your son right away, sir. Shake his hand like a man and let him play, sir. Let his little mind expand, place a weapon in his hand, For the skills he learns today will someday pay, sir.
Pound that kid into submission, ‘Till he’s mastered nuclear fission, Buy him plastic warheads by the score. Once he’s got the taste of blood, He’s gonna sneak up on his buddies, Starting his own thermo-nuclear war.
RepeatChorus.
Buy him khakis and fatigues, And sign him up in little leagues. Give him calisthenics as a rule, Once you’ve banished fear and dread, Then pat his seven year-old head, And send him off to military school.
RepeatChorus.
Once he’s grown to be a man, He might get tired of blasting Granny, Then you’ll see a crisis coming on. Don’t get worried, don’t get nervous, Send that kid into the service, Let him rise into the Pentagon.
At the Pentagon he’ll rise, The President he will advise, His reputation growing all the while. With your picture on the wall, He’ll get that long-awaited call, And press the firing buttons with a smile.
The Irish Government has launched a major upgrade of the eGates system at Dublin Airport, strengthening the country’s border management capability while improving the arrivals experience for millions of passengers.
The project follows a competitive public procurement process managed through the Office of Government Procurement’s eTenders system. A contract was awarded to Vision Box / Amadeus, leading to the installation of 25 new and upgraded eGates across Dublin Airport.
The upgraded technology is designed to support faster, safer and more efficient passenger processing at Ireland’s busiest airport. New features include enhanced facial comparison technology, stronger impostor detection measures, a two-step verification process and ID card reader functionality for eligible passengers from participating countries.
These improvements are expected to help reduce pressure at immigration control points while maintaining robust security checks. Passengers who require further examination will continue to be referred to immigration officers, ensuring that automated systems work alongside existing border control procedures rather than replacing them.
The investment comes at a time of continued growth in passenger traffic. According to the Government, 6.3 million passengers used eGates in 2025, and this number is expected to rise following the introduction of the upgraded facilities. Dublin Airport also welcomed more than 18 million arriving passengers last year, underlining the need for modern infrastructure that can keep pace with increasing demand.
Minister Colm Brophy said the new system brings important operational and security benefits, including improved verification processes and the ability for eligible passengers to use ID cards. The Government says the upgraded eGates will help airport staff manage higher passenger volumes safely and efficiently while continuing to uphold strong border security standards.
This modernisation reflects Ireland’s wider commitment to improving border management, supporting international connectivity and strengthening the passenger experience at a key national gateway. With tourism, business travel and international links continuing to grow, the upgraded eGates represent an important step in ensuring Dublin Airport remains efficient, secure and ready for future demand.
The launch marks a practical investment in Ireland’s aviation and immigration infrastructure, helping to deliver smoother arrivals for passengers while protecting the integrity of the State’s border systems.
Pre-deceased by his parents Jim and Margaret and brother Tim; the passing of Mr Cooney is most deeply regretted, sadly missed and lovingly remembered by his sorrowing family; loving sisters Sheelagh, Margaret, Norma, Kathleen and Rosemaria, sister-in-law Violet, brothers-in-law John and Larry, nieces, nephews, grandnieces, grandnephews, extended relatives, neighbours and a wide circle of friends.
For those persons who would wish to attend Requiem Mass for Mr Cooney, but for reasons cannot, same can be viewed streamed live online, HERE.
The extended Cooney family wish to express their appreciation for your understanding at this difficult time, and have made arrangements for those persons wishing to send messages of condolence, to use the link shown HERE.
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