Former Ireland South MEP Mr Brian Crowley has died aged 61, following a year-long illness.
Mr Crowley, a West Cork native, passed away in the early hours of this morning, while receiving treatment at Cork University Hospital.
Elected to the European Parliament on five occasions between 1994 and 2014, Mr Crowley served as an MEP for two decades and stepped down in 2019. He initially represented Fianna Fáil before being removed from the party after a dispute linked to his decision to join the European Conservatives and Reformists Group.
He was a wheelchair user, having been paralysed from the waist down following an accident at the age of 16. In his final term, he faced criticism over prolonged absences from the European Parliament due to illness, though he maintained he continued constituency work while hospitalised.
Paying tribute, Taoiseach Mr Micheál Martin described Mr Crowley as a “hugely impressive individual”, noting his strong electoral bond with voters and his personal resilience. Tánaiste Mr Simon Harris also expressed sympathies to Mr Crowley’s family, acknowledging his decades of public service and the affection he commanded across the Ireland South constituency.
Mr Crowley is survived by his mother, Sally, and his siblings.
The Irish government welcomes progress on ‘Operation Moonridge’, latter a Garda operation to remove non-Irish national sex offenders from the Irish State
The Irish government has today welcomed the progress of Garda ‘Operation Moonridge’ which is successfully identifying and deporting non-Irish nationals convicted of sexual crimes.
‘Operation Moonridge’ commenced in 2025 targeting highly dangerous non-Irish nationals in the State. The operation involves identifying and locating convicted sex offenders of interest to the Garda National Immigration Bureau (GNIB) for consideration for an EU Removal Order or deportation.
To date, a total of 25 sex offenders have now been removed from the State. This consists of 14 non-EU nationals and 11 EU nationals who are now all subject to exclusion from Ireland.
The government has welcomed the significant progress of this ongoing Garda operation, whereby using information provided by these bodies, GNIB identifies, targets and removes individuals who have committed sexual offences and do not have a lawful basis to remain within the State.
Communications (Interception and Lawful Access) Bill will update and replace the Interception of Postal Packets and Telecommunications Messages (Regulation) Act 1993
Legislation to provide for principle that lawful interception powers to address serious crime and security threats apply to all forms of communications
Legislation will include new legal basis for the use of covert surveillance software as an alternative means of lawful interception
Provision for the use of electronic scanning equipment which can locate and record identifier data from mobile devices when deployed in specific areas
Robust legal safeguards, including judicial authorisation of interception requests, to provide assurance
Structures to be included for the maximum possible degree of technical cooperation between state agencies and communication service providers
The Irish government has given their approval to develop strengthened legislation on the lawful interception of communications. This legislation is needed to ensure that the law in this area is up-to-date and can yield intelligence that is vital for dealing with serious criminality and threats to the security of the State.
Officials in the Department of Justice will now work with the Attorney General’s Office, other Departments and State agencies to develop the General Scheme of the new legislation.
Key Features of Proposed Reform of Lawful Interception Legislation.
(1)A new Communications (Interception and Lawful Access) Bill to update and replace the Interception of Postal Packets and Telecommunications Messages (Regulation) Act 1993, which predates the telecoms revolution of the last 20 years.
The 1993 Act provides for the interception of postal packets (opening, delaying or preventing delivery) and telecommunications messages (listening or recording in the course of transmission) for the purposes of both criminal investigation and in the interests of the security of the State. At present, the Act allows for interception applications to be made to the Minister for the purpose of criminal investigation (applications from the Garda Commissioner or the Police Ombudsman) or in the interests of the security of the State (applications from the Garda Commissioner or the Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces). The need for an overhaul of the 1993 Act has long been identified, including in the annual reviews of its operation by Designated Judges under section 8 of the Act. These concerns relate to outmoded nature of the Act (only applicable to traditional landline and mobile communication) and the need to replace it with a modern legal framework that encompasses all forms of digital communications now in use.
(2)A clear statement of the general legal principle that lawful interception powers needed to address serious crime and security threats are applicable to all forms of communications.
The government proposes an updated legal framework which is flexible and includes comprehensive principles, policies and definitions to allow for lawful interception powers to be applied to any digital devices or services which can send or receive a communications message e.g. the “internet of things” and email / digital messaging services. The legislation will provide for a clear statement of general principle that lawful interception powers apply to all forms of communications, whether encrypted or not, and can be used to obtain either content data (the substance of a communication) or related “metadata” (data that provide information about a communication but not its content, such as phone call or email time and date, the sender / receiver of a communication, the geolocation of an electronic device or the source and destination IP address). The legislation will also apply to parcel delivery services.
The governments view is that effective lawful interception powers can be accompanied by the necessary privacy, encryption and digital security safeguards.
In June 2025, the EU Commission published a “Roadmap for lawful and effective access to data for law enforcement”, which stated that terrorism, organised crime, online fraud, drug trafficking, child sexual abuse, online sexual extortion, ransomware and many other crimes all leave digital traces. Around 85% of criminal investigations now rely on electronic evidence. Requests for data addressed to service providers tripled between 2017 and 2022 and the need for these data is constantly increasing. The Commission paper includes proposals to deliver a “technology roadmap” on encryption issues with expert input and emphasises the need to reconcile technology and lawful access concerns through industry standardisation activities. This EU initiative complements the Minister’s proposed approach to reforming the law on interception in Ireland and will inform the development of the General Scheme.
(3)Improved international cooperation and meeting Council of Europe requirements.
The development of a modern interception framework will enhance the State’s capacity for international legal cooperation with other States. Ireland is a signatory to the EU Convention on Mutual Assistance, adopted in 2000. Under this regime, mutual assistance can only be approved if it would be authorised in a similar national case. Including all forms of communications in an updated interception framework in Ireland will ensure the State can both support and benefit from an increased range of interception requests under this Convention.
The proposed General Scheme will also allow the State to meet its legal obligations under the 2001 Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime (Budapest Convention). Article 20 of this Convention requires States to have the ability to collect or record traffic data associated with specified communications and Article 21 requires that States can intercept content data, in real-time, of specified communications transmitted by a computer system.
(4) The inclusion of a new legal basis for the use of covert surveillance software as an alternative means of lawful interception to gain access to electronic devices and networks for the investigation of serious crime and threats to the security of the State.
The government also proposes to provide a legal basis for the use of covert surveillance software as an alternative means of lawful interception to gain access to electronic devices and networks for the investigation of serious crime and threats to the security of the State. This is used legally in other jurisdictions for a variety of purposes when necessary, such as gaining access to some or all of the data on an electronic device or network, covert recording of communications made using a device or disrupting the functioning of a personal or shared IT network being used for unlawful purposes. The government proposes to take into account a 2024 report from the European Commission for Democracy through Law to the Council of Europe (the Venice Commission) on this subject, “Report on a Rule of Law and Human Rights Compliant Regulation of Spyware”.
(5) Provision for the use of electronic scanning equipment which can locate and record identifier data from mobile devices when deployed in specific areas.
The government proposes to include provisions in the General Scheme to allow for the use of scanning equipment in specific locations that can locate and record identifier data on mobile devices (International Mobile Subscriber Identifier and International Mobile Equipment Identifier) in use by individuals suspected of involvement in serious crime or threats to the security of the State. The use of such equipment can be of particular value in specific defined locations (e.g. outside a single property) in providing the technical information necessary to identify individuals of concern and the persons they are associating with from a crime or security perspective.
(6)Robust legal safeguards, including judicial authorisation of interception requests, to provide assurance that lawful interception can only be permitted where lawfully authorised in specific cases and only where the circumstances meet a test of being necessary and proportionate to deal with issues relating to serious crime or threats to the security of the State.
At present, the government has responsibility for authorising interception requests under the 1993 Act. It is proposed that the General Scheme will maintain a role for the government, but will also introduce judicial authorisation of interception requests for the first time.
In addition, it is proposed that agencies making an application under the new legislation will be under an explicit statutory obligation to outline any issues that may arise with regard to privileged material. The aim is to ensure that the authorising Judge is on notice of the possibility of such issues and in a position to consider whether any conditions or directions might be needed in such cases.
The General Scheme will also confirm the role of the Independent Examiner for Security Legislation (already established under Part 7 of the Policing, Security and Community Safety Act 2024) in providing ongoing monitoring and oversight of the proposed new legislation, on the same basis as currently applies for the 1993 Act. Provision will also be made for an independent complaints procedure for the use of all the legal powers concerned, similar to Complaints Referee process in section 9 of the 1993 Act.
(7) Mechanisms to promote technical cooperation and sharing of best practice.
The government notes that this new legal framework will require technical expertise to ensure that its design is guided by practical co-operation and best practices. The General Scheme will include structures to promote the maximum possible degree of technical cooperation between state agencies and communication service providers, including for the drawing up of statutory guidance, Codes of Practice, and regulations which will inform and guide the operation of the legislation in practice.
A series of upbeat tourism announcements and investment-led press releases in County Tipperary are landing against a stark national backdrop, after Eurostat reported that Ireland was one of only two EU member states to record a fall in tourist accommodation nights in 2025.
Eurostat’s early estimates show EU tourism nights hit a record 3.08 billion in 2025, up 2% year-on-year, while Ireland recorded a -2% decline (with Romania the only other country in negative territory).
Irish coverage of the figures has put the Republic’s total at 41.3 million tourist bed nights in 2025 (-1.8%), describing it as the weakest performance in the EU. The same reports note that the peak summer quarter (Q3 2025) fell 4.1%, with hotel nights down 8.4% and camping nights down 27%, while “holiday and other short-stay accommodation” rose 15.4%.
Of course, local press releases paint a different story: “growth”, “season extension”, “boost tourism”.
Despite the national decline, Tipperary tourism communications over the past year have repeatedly highlighted expansion, regeneration and new visitor offerings:-
Dromineer, Lough Derg (Nenagh MD): Tipperary County Council press material describes a €1.2m watersports facility as a “best-in-class” outdoor tourism hub intended to enhance the visitor experience and support year-round activity. Roscrea (Grant’s Hotel): A Council press release on a feasibility study lists explicit objectives to “boost tourism activity” and increase footfall and dwell time in the town centre, alongside employment and night-time economy goals. Carrick-on-Suir: A Council announcement confirms award of a €2.9m Phase 2 contract under the regeneration plan, presented as part of a wider town-centre renewal drive. Thurles: Sadly the only tourism-tagged local event promotion (Feb 2025), shows a Council/MD posting highlighting for St Patrick’s Day Parade, Thurles (2025), categorised under Tourism, which pushes footfall activity in the town centre (music, attractions, participation).
Thurles it is time to wake up.
Countywide “Roadmap” messaging: The Tipperary Tourism Roadmap 2025–2030 sets out targets around economic growth, season extension and giving visitors reasons to stay longer, and was publicly launched in late November last year.
Fáilte Ireland funding (Midlands / JTF): A national press release announced €5.5m for 17 regenerative tourism projects, bringing the scheme’s announced tourism funding to almost €60m, reinforcing the wider policy message of building new and improved visitor experiences.
The core contradiction: publicity versus performance. The tension is not that Tipperary’s projects are unwelcome, it is that headline-grabbing announcements about “growth” and “visitor experience” risk sounds hollow when the national data shows Ireland moving against the EU trend.
A key question now is whether local strategies are being matched with measurable outcomes, bed capacity, occupancy, shoulder-season activity, and value-for-money delivery, or whether Tipperary is simply publishing plans, while the wider system continues to lose ground.
We will be speaking about solutions in the coming days, so do stay tuned. Update Thurles Tourism Debate: Part IV.
Ireland is warned of a risk of severe recession if US interest-rate row triggers global market shock.
Ireland’s economy is highly internationalised, having strong links to US-headquartered firms and export markets. Risks to global growth can translate rapidly into weaker investment, softer labour demand and pressure on our public finances.
Ireland faces heightened exposure to a potential global downturn, if a growing political struggle in the United States over interest rates, undermines confidence in financial markets.
In laymans terms, at the heart of this row is a simple question: who gets to decide the “price of money” in the world’s biggest economy; will it be elected politicians, or an independent central bank? Truth is when investors think the answer is “politicians”, markets can react fast and brutally.
What it means to “lower interest rates” and why leaders like it. Interest rates are basically the rent we pay to borrow money. When the central bank cuts rates, it usually makes borrowing cheaper across the economy (mortgages, business loans, car finance), which can boost spending and hiring. Politicians often like lower rates because they can create a quick-feel-good phase: asset prices can rise (shares, housing), repayments can feel easier, and growth can look healthier, at least for a while.
Why central bank independence matters. Central banks are kept at arm’s length from day-to-day politics because there’s a temptation in politics to prefer the short-term “sugar rush” over long-term stability. If markets believe a central bank is being leaned on to cut rates for political timing, rather than economic reasons, two big fears kick in: (1)Inflation risk: People start to worry that prices will rise faster in future because money is being kept “too cheap” for “too long”. That can become self-fulfilling as workers and firms demand higher wages/prices to keep up. (2)Credibility risk: Investors begin to doubt the central bank will do the unpopular thing (like keeping rates higher) when it’s necessary to control inflation. Once credibility cracks, it’s hard to repair quickly.
The current concern centres around pressure being applied in Washington for sharply lower US interest rates and the risk is that markets interpret this as political interference in central-bank decision-making. If investors lose faith in the independence of the US central bank, economists warn it could spark turbulence in US bond markets, with knock-on effects for global borrowing costs, credit availability, stock markets and economic growth.
Why this US debate matters to Irish households and businesses Interest rates are often described as the “price of money”. When rates fall, loans can become cheaper and economic activity can pick up. However, if markets believe rates are being pushed down for political reasons rather than economic conditions, investors can demand a higher return to compensate for perceived inflation risks and uncertainty, driving up longer-term borrowing costs, weakening confidence and tightening credit. Even though Ireland doesn’t set US interest rates, a shock in US bonds and credit markets tends to spread because US markets are a cornerstone of global finance.
For Ireland, the main channels are: (a) A global recession hits trade and jobs If the US slows sharply, global demand usually weakens and investment decisions get postponed. That hits Irish growth through exports and business confidence. (b) Ireland’s US link is unusually large. Ireland is deeply tied into US multinational supply chains and activity. One detailed public analysis found: A large share of value added in key sectors is US-controlled (e.g. manufacturing and ICT). The US is a major destination for Irish goods exports (with a heavy concentration in pharma/chemicals and medical devices).
A measurable macro link: a 1% fall in US Gross Domestic Product (GDP, the total monetary value of all final goods and services produced within a country’s borders during a specific period, serving as the primary measure of its economic health and size) was estimated to line up with about a 1% fall in Irish Gross Value Added, (GVA, economic measure of the value of goods and services produced in an area, industry, or sector), with a knock-on hit to corporation tax receipts over time. That means Ireland can feel US trouble not just “a bit”, but systemically: exports, investment, and tax revenue all become vulnerable at the same time.
In plain terms, the fear is that an attempt to engineer cheaper money could backfire:
Bond markets could wobble if investors worry about inflation or policy credibility, Banks and lenders could pull back as funding becomes less certain, Businesses may postpone investment, and Households feel the squeeze through weaker jobs growth and reduced confidence.
Ireland’s exposure: trade, multinationals and a concentrated tax base. Ireland is particularly sensitive to external shocks because of its openness and the scale of its links with the US. Recent independent analysis has pointed to Ireland’s heavy reliance on corporation tax receipts, noting that corporation tax accounts for well over a quarter of total tax receipts, with around three-quarters paid by large US multinationals. Separately, ratings analysis has noted that in 2024 around one-third of Ireland’s goods exports went to the United States, dominated by pharmaceuticals. The European Commission’s latest macroeconomic forecast also highlights Ireland’s vulnerability to international developments and “shifting US policies” that could affect multinational activity and profitability here, even as it projects Irish GDP growth moderating sharply in 2026 after exceptional export-driven growth in 2025.
What is happening in the US. US central-bank independence has become a flashpoint amid public criticism of the current Fed Chair Jerome Powell and a widening political dispute over the direction of interest rates. The Jerome Powell has publicly warned that pressure and intimidation risk politicising monetary policy, insisting that rate decisions should be set “based on evidence and economic conditions”.
US reporting in recent days has underlined that Jerome Powell’s term ends in May 2026, though he may remain on the Board of Governors until 2028, and that developments in Washington are being closely watched by investors and policymakers.
Implications: “storm conditions” and what to watch. Economists caution that the risk to Ireland is less about any single policy move and more about market confidence: if US bond markets become disorderly, the shock can transmit quickly through global finance, tightening credit and weakening demand across trading partners.
For Irish consumers and firms, the warning signs would typically include:
sharp falls in major stock indices.
sudden jumps in longer-term borrowing costs.
banks tightening credit standards.
a marked cooling in global trade and business investment.
Therefore, Ireland is especially sensitive because it’s an small, open economy with a very large US trade/Foreign Direct Investment/tax footprint, so a US-driven global shock can hit Ireland hard and quickly.
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