Reducing the voting age to 16 is often sold as a simple, modern reform, to bring young people into the ‘democratic tent’ earlier, to boost turnout, and strengthen civic culture. In practice, it is neither simple nor risk-free. If voting is the most consequential act of civic membership, then lowering the threshold should only happen where the benefits are clear, durable and supported by institutional scaffolding to make sure it work. Right now, there are strong reasons not to entertain it.
First is principle and coherence: Eighteen is widely understood as the point at which the State recognises full adult status. Voting sits alongside other “full membership” rights and responsibilities, and it matters that this package is intelligible. Lowering the voting age, while leaving most other adult thresholds intact, either creates a new inconsistency, or invites pressure to “tidy up” the rest of the law to match. Either way, it is not a neat reform; it changes the logic of adulthood in public policy.
Second. The lived reality of 16-year-olds is structural dependence. Many teenagers are financially dependent, living under parental authority, and constrained by school and household expectations. That does not mean they cannot form political views. It does mean their ability to cast an independent vote can be narrower than it is for adults. In some cases, the risk is that a ballot becomes a proxy for household influence, not a genuinely autonomous civic voice.
Third. The modern information environment makes younger cohorts more vulnerable to manipulation. Politics is increasingly shaped by micro-targeting, influencer pipelines and rapid misinformation loops. Expanding the electorate to include minors increases the premium on strong media-literacy and civic preparation. Even advocates of votes at 16 regularly acknowledge that early, structured political education is essential. The problem is that civic education is uneven and often contested, so the reform risks outpacing the safeguards.
Fourth concern: Schools become an unavoidable political battleground. If 16-year-olds are voters, schools are the most efficient point of contact. Teachers and principals would face intensified pressure to “balance” content; parents would worry about politics being smuggled into classrooms; campaign groups would seek access through “non-partisan” resources. International discussions of votes at 16 frequently stress education as a prerequisite, but that is exactly where the most polarising arguments land.
Fifth. There are serious administrative and safeguarding complications around registration. An electoral register must be usable and transparent, but the Irish State also has a duty to protect under 18s’ personal data. Where 16–17s have been enfranchised, special arrangements have been needed to manage this tension. It is not a reason never to do it, but it is a reason not to treat the change as cost-free or merely symbolic.
Sixth. The political and constitutional “bandwidth” argument matters, especially in Ireland. Changing the national voting age is not a routine legislative tweak; it carries constitutional implications and would demand major political energy. In a country with multiple urgent reform priorities; housing, health capacity, infrastructure, cost-of-living etc., there is a fair question; “Is this the best use of this scarce reform capital?”
And Finally. The promised benefits are not guaranteed. Events that feel unusually important, visible, and emotionally charged, can see strong youth participation, but that does not automatically translate into higher turnout in ordinary elections or lasting engagement. Research from countries that have lowered the age are encouraging findings in some contexts, mixed results in others, and a recurring theme that outcomes depend heavily on preparation and political environment. In other words, the evidence is conditional not a clear mandate.
None of this denies that young people deserve a stronger voice. It argues that lowering the voting age is a blunt tool with real downsides. If the aim is youth influence and civic strength, there are lower-risk steps; better civic education and media-literacy; easier registration at 18; structured youth assemblies with real consultation power; even pilots at local level where issues are closer to daily life. Before redefining who gets a vote, we should fix the foundations that make democratic participation meaningful in the first place.
Norovirus cases jump by more than 50% in a week as HSE urges public to follow hygiene advice.
The HSE has urged people to be alert to the signs and symptoms of norovirus after new figures showed a sharp weekly increase in reported cases. The latest data shows 86 cases in the week ending February 7th, up from 56 cases the previous week, a rise of 54%.
Norovirus Particles.
Norovirus, often called the “winter vomiting bug”, is one of the most common stomach bugs in Ireland and can spread quickly in settings such as hospitals, nursing homes and schools. The HSE said it has been notified of 676 cases so far this winter season, which began at the end of September, with 59% of cases reported this week occurring in people aged 65 and older. In a statement, the health service said that while norovirus is unpleasant but mild for many people, it can be very serious for older adults, young children and those with underlying health conditions, adding that seasonal winter viruses continue to place extra pressure on health and care services.
Symptoms. Norovirus typically causes sudden vomiting and diarrhoea, and may also be accompanied by stomach cramps, nausea and a general feeling of being unwell.
Public health advice to help stop the spread. The HSE is reminding the public to take the following steps:
Stay at home and do not return to work, school or social activities until 48 hours after symptoms have stopped.
Avoid visiting hospitals and care homes while unwell and for 48 hours after recovery.
Wash hands frequently and thoroughly with soap and water (especially after using the toilet and before preparing food).
Clean contaminated surfaces and objects using bleach-based household cleaners, following label instructions.
Avoid preparing food for others while sick, and take extra care with food hygiene, including avoiding raw, unwashed produce.
Comment: Dr Paul McKeown, Consultant in Public Health Medicine, said norovirus has been at high levels in recent weeks and that outbreaks in hospitals have increased, adding that while it is not always possible to avoid infection, people can help prevent further spread by following the guidance.
Further information: Up-to-date public advice is available from the HPSC HERE.
“Where Tipperary leads, Ireland follows” is attributed to Thomas Davis (1814–1845), a writer, poet, and prominent figure in the Young Ireland movement. He used this phrase in the 1840s in his “The Nation” newspaper, to praise the counties intense nationalistic spirit, earning it the title of “The Premier County”, thus highlighting Tipperary’s role in both political and social movements.
Dr. Robert Emmet M.D., the father of Irish Republican, orator and rebel leader Robert Emmet (1778 – 1803), was born in Tipperary town on November 29th 1729, the younger of two sons in a family where medicine was already a calling. While no biographical sources name a townland or house, a carefully researched account helps narrow the scene; his father’s Will referred to “the house where he resided in Tipperary”, with family interests tied to the town’s trade and market life. In other words, the Emmets belonged to the working, improving fabric of Tipperary town, not some anonymous dot on a map.
Left: Dr. Robert Emmet. Right: Executed Rebel Robert Emmet. Note the striking resemblance (around the mouth) in all Emmet family featured portraits.
His rebel leader son today has three towns in Co. Tipperarywith streets named after him : In Thurles:Emmet Street (L-4021) connecting Barry’s Bridge and Thomond Road, is most often incorrectly spelt, by Tipperary Co. Council, as “Emmett Street”. His rebel son is also commemorated on the 1798 memorial, visible standing in Liberty Square today, and locally referred to as the “Stone Man”. In Tipperary Town: Emmet Street is one of the main streets laid out connecting Dillon Street, and it’s still an everyday address in use today. In Clonmel: Emmet Street is a more central street (for example, Tipperary County Council lists its Civic Offices there, and An Post lists Clonmel Post Office as being on Emmet Street).
“Where Tipperary leads Ireland follows”. That line, by Thomas Davis, fits him surprisingly well, because the Emmet story becomes a pattern seen again and again in Irish life; provincial beginnings, serious education, success in a southern city, and finally the pull of Dublin’s institutions and power.
A doctor, made in Edinburgh and shaped by Europe. To study medicine properly in the 18th century was to look outward, and Robert Emmet did just that. He graduated at the University of Edinburgh, one of the then great medical schools of that era. A letter he wrote to a Cork newspaper, in 1763, even suggests time spent studying in Paris, the kind of continental polish ambitious doctors prized.
Thomas Addis Emmet.
By the time he returned to Ireland, he was not simply a local practitioner, he was the sort of physician who could move between worlds, rural and urban, Irish and European, private practice and public appointment.
Cork years: Reputation, Marriage, and a growing household: Emmet settled down to practise in Cork, and it was here that his name began to carry weight. The board of Cork’s Charitable Infirmary would later formally thank him for “the great care” he took of patients, the kind of public endorsement that tells you a doctor was not merely competent, but trusted.
In November 1760, he married Ms Elizabeth Mason, linking him to another established family network (the Masons of Munster). Some of their children can be identified clearly in sources, and they anchor the family’s Cork chapter. Christopher Temple Emmet, born in Cork in 1761. He married Anne Western Temple, daughter of Robert and Harriett (Shirley) Temple. Thomas Addis Emmet, born in Cork on April 24th 1764. He married Jane Patten (1771–1846), a daughter of John Patten and Jane (née Colville) Patten, in 1791.
Emmet was also a man of projects. The Munster account shows him involved in property and land, advertising holdings and opportunities in the countryside, a reminder that professional families often broadened their income in practical ways, through farms, leases, and investments.
The turning point –Dublin and the post of State Physician: Then came the step that changed everything. In March 1770, Emmet took up office in Dublin as state physician, after purchasing the office from the widow of the former holder for £1,000; a role that required presence in the capital and placed him close to the heart of administration. The move was abrupt enough that he was winding down Cork affairs and property as he departed; the record even notes the precise start, March 6th 1770.
Dublin was not just a new address. It was a new scale of life, bigger circles, bigger expectations, and a household that would become famous for reasons he could not control.
The sources are blunt about the family’s size and its sorrow; their son Robert was the seventeenth child, but only the fourth to ever survive. That single line captures both prosperity and loss; the realities of family life even among the comfortable classes in the 1700s.
Mary Anne Holmes, (née Emmet) and husband Robert.
The four surviving children are identifiable: Christopher Temple Emmet, born Cork, 1761, and a distinguished barrister and poet, who died aged 27 years, in 1788, followed some months later by his wife. Thomas Addis Emmet, born Cork, April 24th, 1764 and a leader of the United Irishmen, before being forced into exile and later becoming a renowned lawyer in New York city. Mary Anne Holmes, (née Emmet) writer and poet, wife of barrister Robert Homes, former born in Dublin, on October 10th, 1773. Robert Emmet, (Executed Rebel in 1803), born March 4th, 1778 at 109/110, St Stephen’s Green, Dublin. The family’s Dublin story is inseparable from that address: a prosperous, educated household in the capital, and the cradle, ultimately, of one of Ireland’s most remembered names.
Final years and death: Dr. Emmet lived long enough to see his children grown and their talents emerging, and long enough, too, to sense that Irish politics were shifting underfoot. He died on December 9th 1802, and accounts of the period record his burial in the Churchyard of St Peter’s Church, Aungier Street Dublin.
He did not live to witness the family’s most dramatic and tragic chapter, that came less than a year later, when his youngest surviving son Robert junior, stepped into Irish history. It was on his death, that rebel Robert, using the £2,000 left to him by his father, laid preparations for a failed rising against what he described as “the cruel English government and their Irish ascendancy”, on July 23rd, 1803. Chief Justice Lord Norbury sentenced the rebel Emmet to be hanged, drawn and quartered, as was customary for conviction of treason. On September 20th, 1803, Emmet was executed in Thomas Street in front of St. Catherine’s. He was hanged and then beheaded once dead. Today, his actual burial place is still unknown, thus inspiring the phrase, “Do not look for him. His grave is Ireland.”
Still, step back from the legend and the Emmet story comes into sharp focus; a birth in Tipperary, a medical education in Edinburgh, professional success in Cork, a state appointment in Dublin, and a family whose “only four surviving” children would go on to shape Irish public life, literature, law, and rebellion.
167 probationer Gardaí assigned to Garda Divisions nationwide.
Three further attestations scheduled to take place in 2026.
Over 200 new trainees due to enter the Garda College on Monday next, February 9th 2026.
The Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, Mr Jim O’Callaghan today welcomed the attestation of 167 new Gardaí at a ceremony in the Garda College, Templemore, Co. Tipperary.
A total of 100 men and 67 women were attested and will now be assigned to Garda divisions across the country by the Garda Commissioner.
Of this cohort, 104 probationer Gardaí will be deployed across the Dublin Metropolitan Region, with 21 assigned to the Southern Region, 31 to the Eastern Region and 11 to the North-Western Region. Only two one will be allocated to the Co. Clare/Co. Tipperary Garda division, with one being allocated to Ennis in Co. Clare and one to Clonmel in Co. Tipperary.
Speaking at the Garda College, the Minister said: “I am very pleased to see another 167 new Gardaí attest from Templemore today. This is the first of four attestations due to take place this year and I look forward to larger classes attesting as the year progresses. This cohort of newly attested Gardaí will take up positions in communities across the country as they begin a career of service to their communities, and to the people of Ireland. They join a tradition that stretches back over a century, one built on trust, integrity, and a steadfast commitment to the public they serve. Recruitment into An Garda Síochána is now gathering real momentum. I am looking forward to seeing this momentum continue in 2026. The next intake of up to 215 Garda trainees will enter the Garda College next Monday, 9 February.”
Two recruitment campaigns were held in 2025, with over 11,100 applications received to join An Garda Síochána. Engagement is continuing with publicjobs in relation to scheduling and conducting a further recruitment competition in 2026, supporting an ongoing pipeline of recruits into Templemore.
The Minister added that Budget 2026 provides €2.74 billion to support recruitment and staffing in An Garda Síochána. The Minister also said work will continue with the Garda Commissioner to optimise recruitment, including measures to expand training capacity.
The Minister also noted that the Garda Training Review Group has been established to identify how training and continuous professional development capacity can be increased, including consideration of the case for a second Garda training college, in line with a Programme for Government commitment.
Contrary to what some consumers believe, a “Security Protected” label on a product is not a food-safety warning and it does not mean the food has been “tampered with” in the past or is unsafe.
The sticker in the photo shown hereunder is exactly what it says on the wrapper “security protected” and is, over recent months, found on items like butter or meat. Same is a retail anti-theft security label or Electronic Article Surveillance (EAS) label.
“Security Protected” is the deterrent message retailers print on/over the tag so would-be shoplifters can see it at a glance. Loss-prevention groups explicitly note this wording is used on tags/labels as a visible warning.
Why butter and meat? Because same are high-theft, easy-to-conceal, relatively high-value grocery items (especially branded butter and premium cuts). Irish reporting has specifically noted security tagging spreading to staples like butter and meat in some stores and Irish retailers have described meat and other small, high-value groceries as common targets.
The label says “SECURITY PROTECTED” and includes a “signal/waves” style icon, used on retail security labels.
The small print says “REMOVE ALL PACKAGING BEFORE DEFROSTING AND COOKING”. That wording is common on meat/chilled security labels, because some EAS label types aren’t intended to go into heating/defrosting and retailers want the label/outer wrap removed first.
How it works. In plain terms the label contains a thin electronic element that can set off the exit gates within grocery outlets if it’s still active. At your checkout, it’s usually deactivated (often automatically as part of scanning in grocery setups).
Why you’re seeing it recently on butter/meat in Ireland: Irish stores have increasingly been tagging everyday groceries like butter and meat as an anti-shoplifting measure. Practical tip: you don’t need to do anything special—just pay as normal. If the alarm ever sounds on the way out, it’s typically because the label wasn’t deactivated properly, and staff can sort it quickly back at the till.
What happens if the sticker is removed in shop by a customer? If a customer removes it within the shop before paying, it can trigger suspicion immediately. That label is there as a theft-deterrent, so peeling it off on the shop floor looks like an attempt to defeat security. In Ireland, theft is defined as dishonestly appropriating property without consent, with intent to deprive. Also, any person may arrest without warrant someone they reasonably suspect is in the act of committing an arrestable offence (with conditions set out in law). Practically, most shops will simply detain/store-policy stop you, review CCTV, and/or call Gardaí if they believe something is happening.
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