Eviction Ban Ruled Out as Housing Minister Signals Easing of Rural Planning Rules.
Ireland’s rural planning rules are set to be relaxed under new housing guidelines due to be published within weeks, according to Housing Minister Mr James Browne TD. The Minister said the updated guidelines aim to make it easier for people to build homes in rural communities, while also creating greater consistency in planning decisions nationwide.
Speaking during a visit to social housing projects in Donegal, Mr Browne said the Government is committed to reducing restrictions on rural housing development across the country. He added that the new framework would provide a more balanced and predictable approach for rural applicants.
The Minister also rejected renewed opposition calls for an eviction ban, following a sharp rise in eviction notices during the opening months of 2026. Recent figures from the Residential Tenancies Board showed more than 7,000 notices of termination were issued in the first quarter of the year; a rise of roughly 50% compared with the same period in 2025.
Mr Browne argued that previous eviction bans damaged rental supply and insisted the Government’s focus must remain on increasing housing availability. He pointed to signs that termination notices began to decline in March, with expectations of a further drop in April.
The minister said reforms introduced earlier this year are intended to strengthen protections for renters while encouraging more long-term participation in the rental market. Updated RTB figures also showed a modest increase in the number of landlords and registered tenancies nationwide.
Tipperary County Council’s decision to approve the demolition of the 52 unfinished houses at Ballypadeen near Cashel has reignited debate about planning, dereliction, and the wider housing crisis. While many people understandably see the structures as potential homes, the reality behind the site is far more complicated.
The partially completed houses have stood idle for almost two decades overlooking the Rock of Cashel after construction stopped in 2007. Originally approved during the Celtic Tiger era, the development was never intended to function as a standard residential estate. Planning permission was granted for tourism accommodation linked to a large hotel and leisure complex that was never built.
According to Tipperary County Council, the site sits on unzoned and unserviced land outside the Cashel settlement boundary, placing it in conflict with current planning policy. Independent engineering and technical assessments commissioned as part of the process concluded that the structures contained significant defects and that restoring them for long-term residential use would not be financially viable.
The council has also confirmed that the demolition forms part of a legally binding mediated settlement between the local authority and the landowner following years of legal disputes connected to the development.
Public frustration is understandable given Ireland’s ongoing housing shortage. Critics, including local representatives and members of the public, have argued that demolishing 52 partially completed houses during a housing crisis appears counterproductive. However, the issue is not simply about unfinished houses being left unused. The core problem is that the development was approved under a tourism model tied to infrastructure and zoning conditions that never materialised.
What is also important to note is that despite the national attention the site has received, the houses are not visible when entering or leaving Cashel itself. The development sits outside the town and is largely hidden from the main approach roads, contrary to some impressions created online and in wider media coverage.
The council says the demolition will help address long-term dereliction and protect the visual setting surrounding the Rock of Cashel, one of Ireland’s most historically important landmarks.
Ultimately, Ballypadeen has become a symbol of wider failures in Irish planning and development during the boom years. The debate now is not only about whether these buildings should remain standing, but how developments like this were ever allowed to reach such a stage without proper long-term oversight, infrastructure, or viable planning foundations in place.
Poster published, by Mary Lou McDonald, (Sinn Féin).
Serious concern has been expressed following the appearance of Arab Barghouti, son of convicted Palestinian militant leader Marwan Barghouti, at the most recent Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in Belfast.
According to reports from the event, Arab Barghouti addressed delegates and supporters to sustained applause during proceedings focused on international solidarity and Middle East issues. Critics have described the reception as deeply inappropriate given the violent history associated with his father.
Marwan Barghouti is currently serving multiple life sentences in Israel after being convicted in 2004 for involvement in attacks that killed five civilians during the Second Intifada. Israeli courts found him guilty on several counts of murder and membership in a terrorist organisation. While some political activists, sadly, continue to portray him as a symbol of Palestinian resistance; while many victims’ families and international observers regard him accurately as directly responsible for acts of terrorism that caused immense civilian suffering.
Opponents of Sinn Féin’s decision to provide a platform for Arab Barghouti argue that inviting representatives connected to individuals convicted of orchestrating deadly attacks risks undermining efforts to promote peace, reconciliation and respect for innocent victims of violence.
“This was not simply a controversial political appearance,” one critic stated. “It amounted to the normalisation and sanitisation of terrorism in front of a large public audience. The victims of these attacks, and their families, deserve better than to see applause for those associated with such unbelievable brutality.”
The controversy has also reignited debate around the responsibilities of political parties when selecting international speakers for major public conferences. Commentators have argued that democratic institutions should remain vigilant against attempts to romanticise or rewrite the legacy of political violence, regardless of where it occurred.
A similar sentiments were widely expressed on Tuesday April 28th last, when Arab Barghouti addressed a public meeting in at a pub in Cross Guns, Dublin 9. The event, promoted online by pro-Palestinian activists and Sinn Féin supporters, focused on solidarity with Palestinian prisoners and support for Marwan Barghouti, the jailed Palestinian political figure and former Fatah leader. Again attendees heard speeches concerning the situation in Gaza, Palestinian prisoners, and international solidarity campaigns. Promotional material referred to Marwan Barghouti as a “jailed Palestinian leader,” while critics again noted that he was convicted by an Israeli court for involvement in attacks that killed civilians during the Second Intifada.
Others have defended the invitation on the grounds of international solidarity with the Palestinian cause, noting that Marwan Barghouti remains a widely recognised political figure among many Palestinians and international campaigners.
Nevertheless, critics maintain that no political grievance can justify the targeting and killing of civilians, and that public representatives should be careful not to blur the distinction between political advocacy and the glorification of violence and hatred.
“Though the mills of God grind slowly, Yet they grind exceeding small, Though with patience He stands waiting, With exactness grinds He all.”
[Extract from Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s poem “Retribution”; the lines meaning that God’s judgment or moral justice does not happen quickly. Wrongdoers may seem to escape consequences for a long time. But when justice finally comes, it is thorough and precise. ]
Nothing escapes accountability. For over a decade the people of Thurles have been subjected to political spin and conflicting claims regarding the so-called Thurles Inner Relief Road. What was once presented as an urgent infrastructure priority now appears increasingly unlikely to begin construction before 2028, despite repeated assurances from politicians that funding had already been secured years ago.
Figure 4, pictured above as stated, was ‘annotated by writer‘, meaning that notes were added to the diagram, giving explanation or comment. Same annotation was not supplied by Tipperary Co. Council.
Even more remarkably, recent political statements from other quarters have continued to portray the project as somehow newly “secured” or “advanced”, despite those earlier promises. The people of Thurles are now being asked to believe that funding was secured in 2021, land acquisition was the breakthrough in 2024, government commitments were obtained again in 2025, and yet construction still cannot realistically begin before 2028. None of this adds up.
The facts tell a very different story. Tipperary County Council’s own 2025 Service Delivery Plan confirms that the project still remained at Department appraisal and detailed design stage, not construction stage. Earlier reports showed that only modest sums such as €75,000 and later €100,000 had been allocated for planning and design-related work. That is not what a shovel-ready infrastructure project looks like.
Meanwhile, the town itself continues to choke under worsening traffic congestion, while politicians repeatedly issue triumphant press releases claiming “progress”.
But the greatest disgrace surrounding this project is not merely the delay. It is the destruction and dismissal of Thurles heritage, [See HERE page 6], in pursuit of a road many residents believe will never adequately solve the town’s traffic crisis in the first place.
The proposed route, shown on the map above, cuts through the historic Great Famine “Double Ditch”, a rare surviving famine-era landscape feature, known locally to date from the 1846. This historic pathway, associated with famine relief works, was effectively treated as expendable. Despite its historical significance to many in Thurles, archaeological assessments failed to properly recognise or protect it. Campaigners repeatedly warned that a unique part of Thurles history was being sacrificed for a project whose actual traffic benefits remain questionable.
What makes the situation even more infuriating is that Thurles still does not have the bypass it has needed for generations. The town’s medieval street layout continues to carry modern heavy traffic because successive governments failed to prioritise a proper outer bypass solution. Instead, taxpayers are expected to fund an “Inner Relief Road” which many believe will simply shift congestion from one bottleneck to another, while permanently damaging part of the town’s heritage.
For years the public has been bombarded with photographs, announcements, consultations, launches, and declarations of “fantastic news”, yet the basic reality never changes. The project drifts endlessly between planning, appraisal, land acquisition, consultation, and redesign, while local politicians compete to claim ownership of it.
At this stage, many residents no longer trust a word of it. If funding was truly secured years ago, where is the road? If construction was imminent, why is detailed design still ongoing? If this project is so transformational, why has the timeline repeatedly slipped further and further into the future?
The people of Thurles deserve honesty instead of political theatre. They deserve real infrastructure instead of endless press releases. Most importantly, they deserve a serious long-term bypass solution rather than another decade of delay, confusion, and public relations exercises masquerading as progress.
For many viewers, RTÉ no longer looks like an independent broadcaster but a taxpayer-supported institution protected by Government funding, despite repeated controversies.
After receiving a €725 million taxpayer-funded rescue package, RTÉ now faces growing criticism that it has become increasingly dependent on the State while asking the public to continue funding both its operations and charitable initiatives.
RTÉ is facing mounting criticism after launching a tender process that could see up to €855,000 spent on outside consultants to manage and distribute Late Late Toy Show Appeal funds, despite the broadcaster already benefiting from a massive taxpayer-funded rescue package worth €725 million over three years.
The national broadcaster is seeking a consultancy firm to oversee grant assessments, compliance, audits, reporting, PR support and fund distribution linked to the Toy Show Appeal, which has raised more than €31 million since 2020. Crucially, the tender documents confirm that the consultancy costs “will be deducted from the Fund” itself — meaning public donations intended for children’s charities will partly finance administration and consultancy fees.
The move is likely to anger many taxpayers and viewers who have already watched RTÉ receive extraordinary levels of state support following the broadcaster’s financial and governance scandals. In July 2024, the Government approved a controversial €725 million public funding package for RTÉ covering the years 2025 to 2027, effectively guaranteeing the broadcaster’s future despite collapsing public trust after the Ryan Tubridy payment controversy.
That bailout followed an earlier emergency rescue package worth €56 million approved in late 2023.
Now, critics are asking why an organisation already heavily dependent on taxpayers and public donations requires nearly another €1 million for consultants to administer a charity fund.
RTÉ insists the appeal operates efficiently, pointing to figures claiming that 96.7% of all Toy Show Appeal money raised has gone directly to frontline charities, with operating costs accounting for 3.3% of funds raised over five years. But opponents argue that almost €900,000 in administration costs remains difficult to justify given the emotional public fundraising campaigns surrounding the annual Toy Show.
The controversy comes as RTÉ also faces backlash over its politically charged decision to boycott the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest over Israel’s participation. Ireland is among several countries refusing to participate or broadcast the event this year.
The decision is expected to drive large Irish audiences toward rival UK coverage on BBC One, over the coming nights, with BBC broadcasts now becoming the default viewing option for many Eurovision fans in Ireland.
While millions across Europe tune into Eurovision from Vienna this week, RTÉ will instead stupidly air alternative programming including reruns such as ‘Father Ted’ during the final.
For many critics, the optics are increasingly damaging; a broadcaster reliant on hundreds of millions in taxpayer support, deducting consultancy fees from children’s charity donations, while simultaneously walking away from one of Europe’s biggest television events and effectively handing audiences to the BBC.
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