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Derelict Tipperary – Government Turns Up The Heat On Empty And Abandoned Properties

Not before time, owners of derelict properties across Co. Tipperary are facing a tougher new regime as the Government moves to increase pressure on long-neglected buildings and bring more vacant properties back into use.

Budget 2027 has put dereliction firmly back on the agenda, with plans for a new ‘Derelict Property Tax’ intended to strengthen enforcement nationally.
For Tipperary, however, the crackdown is already well under way. Tipperary County Council says the number of properties on its Derelict Sites Register rose from 84 in January 2025 to more than 120 by the end of that year, as its Vacant Homes Team stepped up efforts to identify neglected buildings and engage with owners.
The Council has also initiated compulsory purchase proceedings, with one property already transferred into Council ownership.

Owners face a clear choice.
At present, once a property is entered on the Derelict Sites Register, Tipperary County Council can require its owner to carry out works to remove the dereliction.
Failure to act can lead to financial penalties, an annual levy equivalent to 7% of the property’s market value, court proceedings or, ultimately, the property being acquired through a Compulsory Purchase Order.

That means the message to owners is becoming increasingly clear:

Repair it. Sell it. Bring it back into use. Or face escalating intervention.

Tipperary is already identifying more properties The increase in properties appearing on the county’s register is significant.
Rather than waiting for complaints alone, the Council says its teams have been actively identifying vacant and derelict sites throughout Co. Tipperary and intensifying engagement with owners.
Residents can also report suspected vacant or derelict properties, which the Council’s Vacant Homes Team can then investigate and follow up with the owner.
This could have major implications for all towns and villages where abandoned houses, former shops and deteriorating buildings have remained unused for years.

But there is money available to save these buildings
The Government’s approach is not based solely on taxation and enforcement.
Owners and purchasers of qualifying properties in Tipperary can currently receive up to €50,000 through the Vacant Property Refurbishment Grant, with an additional €20,000, where the building is confirmed as derelict.
That means a qualifying derelict property could receive grant assistance of up to €70,000 to bring it back into residential use. The scheme is already having a substantial impact locally.
By the time Tipperary County Council prepared its 2026 budget, it had received 784 applications, approved 576 of them and recorded more than €33 million in housing investment through the programme. More than 200 completed properties had already returned to occupation.

Empty rooms over shops are also being targeted.
A further initiative launched this year could make a significant difference to Tipperary’s town centres. Since March 2026, grants of up to €135,000 have been available to help convert qualifying vacant space above commercial premises into homes.
There is also additional funding where an entire former commercial building is being converted into multiple residential units.
These measures could prove particularly important in traditional Tipperary town centres, where many street-level shops remain in use, while upper floors have stood empty for decades.

A major test for Tipperary, The policies are now in place. The real question is whether enforcement will follow. Tipperary has hundreds of buildings and sites capable of becoming homes, businesses or community facilities instead of remaining boarded up and deteriorating.
The Government and local authorities are increasingly combining grants for those willing to act with financial penalties and compulsory purchase powers for properties that remain derelict.
For owners, the days when an abandoned building could simply be left untouched indefinitely may be coming to an end. For the people of Tipperary, the hope will be that this new push does more than add names to a register.

The real measure of success will be seeing boarded-up and crumbling properties restored, occupied and brought back into the life of our towns and villages.

Budget 2027 – What It Means For People In Ireland

The Government has announced Budget 2027, with a number of changes aimed at helping with the cost of living.

Here are some of the main points in simple terms:

Income Tax.
The amount you can earn before paying the higher 40% rate of income tax is increasing to €46,500.
The main personal and employee tax credits are also increasing by €125 each, meaning many workers should pay less income tax.

Minimum Wage
The national minimum wage is increasing by 79 cent an hour to €14.94.

Pensions & Social Welfare
The State Pension and most main weekly social welfare payments will increase by €10 per week.
The Fuel Allowance is also increasing by €5 per week to €43.

Disability Support
A new €500 cost-of-disability payment is being introduced, with the first payment expected in January 2027.

Renters
The Rent Tax Credit is increasing to €1,150 for a single renter and up to €2,300 for a jointly assessed couple.

First-Time Buyers
The maximum available under the Help-to-Buy Scheme is increasing from €30,000 to €35,000 for eligible first-time buyers purchasing or building a new home.

Childcare
There will be increased childcare support, with the Government aiming to reduce costs for families. Childcare fees are to be capped at €550 per month under the new measures, with some families potentially saving around €1,000 a year per child.

Students
Third-level student fees are expected to fall by a further €150, alongside additional supports for some families with more than one child attending college.

Petrol, Diesel & Heating
Existing reductions in excise duty on petrol and diesel are being extended through the winter and into the spring.
There will also be relief on carbon tax for home heating, with further increases on home heating oil and gas being paused.

Home Energy
More than €650 million is being provided for home energy improvements, including solar panels, battery grants and other energy-efficiency measures.

Cigarettes
A packet of 20 cigarettes will increase by €1, with additional taxation also being introduced on vaping products.

Overall
Budget 2027 contains a mixture of tax cuts, higher welfare payments and additional supports for childcare, housing and energy costs.
As always, how much you gain from the Budget will depend on your own circumstances, including your income, family situation and whether you rent, own a home or receive social welfare.

Did Sir Paweł Strzelecki Visit Cashel, Co. Tipperary, During The Great Famine?

A plaque is being unveiled in Glenties, Co. Donegal, honouring one of the most remarkable humanitarian figures of the Irish Great Famine; the Polish explorer, scientist and relief worker Sir Paweł Edmund Strzelecki (KCMG CB FRS FRGS DC), also known as Paul Edmund de Strzelecki and Sir Paul Strzelecki, (1797–1873).

Strzelecki became the principal agent in Ireland for the British Association for the Relief of Distress in Ireland and Scotland, better known as the British Relief Association.
Born near Poznań, capital of the Wielkopolska region, he was already internationally known as an explorer and scientist when, in January 1847, he volunteered for unpaid relief work in Ireland.
He was initially given responsibility for the desperately affected western counties of Donegal, Mayo and Sligo, and based himself for a time in Westport, Co. Mayo.
[Strzelecki was also later associated with Florence Nightingale and helped her in facilitating the publication of a series of her articles.]

Sir Paweł Edmund Strzelecki, (1797–1873)

There he saw at first hand the devastation caused by hunger, disease and the collapse of ordinary life. His most important humanitarian initiative was the development of a scheme to feed starving children directly through schools. By March 1848, nearly 200,000 children were receiving school meals, while clothing was also distributed. The scheme was non-denominational and contemporary colleagues believed that it saved many young lives.

The British Relief Association’s funds were largely exhausted by the summer of 1848, and its main operations came to an end. But Strzelecki’s work for Ireland did not. Following another disastrous potato failure, he returned to Ireland in June 1849, using charitable money raised in Britain, through his own advocacy, and it is this return that raises a fascinating question for County Tipperary.

Did Strzelecki Visit the town of Cashel?
Between June and September 1849, Strzelecki undertook an extraordinary relief journey. Research by historians Professor Peter Gray and Dr Emily Mark-FitzGerald records that he travelled approximately 2,700 miles across Connaught and Munster, distributing a further £6,400 (approximately £1,055,509.76 in 2026), in charitable aid.
Strzelecki was not confined to the western counties he had first visited in 1847. In 1849 he was travelling extensively through Munster as well as Connacht, and County Tipperary, of course, is part of Munster.
So could that 2,700-mile journey have brought him to Cashel? At present, we cannot say that it did.
No document yet identified explicitly states that Strzelecki visited Cashel. No known letter headed “Cashel”; newspaper report of his arrival; or other contemporary source presently allows us to claim a visit as historical fact. But there is a genuine reason for asking the question.

At exactly the time Strzelecki was travelling through Connacht and Munster, Cashel Poor Law Union in Tipperary was itself facing a severe humanitarian and financial crisis and Cashel was being discussed in Parliament because of that crisis.
It is important to be clear about this point. Parliament was not discussing Cashel because Strzelecki was known to have visited.
Cashel was being discussed because thousands of people were dependent on poor relief and because the Union’s ability to finance that relief had become gravely strained.

On 17 May 1849, the House of Commons heard that 12,000 poor people in Cashel Union, Tipperary were receiving outdoor relief.
The situation was described in stark terms: even this relief was said to be insufficient to keep people alive, and some recipients were reportedly selling part of their ration of yellow meal simply to obtain clothing. This was not merely a hunger crisis. It was also a crisis of the Poor Law system itself.

Poor Law Unions were expected to raise much of their money locally through rates, but years of famine had devastated tenants, occupiers, landlords and the productive capacity of the land.
Large numbers remained dependent upon relief while the people expected to finance that relief were themselves increasingly impoverished. Cashel came before Parliament again on July 13th1849, right in the middle of Strzelecki’s 1849 journey. The House of Lords considered estimates for a number of distressed Poor Law Unions. For Cashel, Poor Law Commissioner Sir Edward Twisleton estimated that £20,000 might be collected in rates over the following six months.That estimate was strongly challenged in debate as unrealistic.

A memorial plaque can be found beside Clerys Department Store in Dublin. (Memorial text is in Polish, Irish and English).

The wider figures were alarming: thirty-two unions were said to have debts of about £231,000, (£38,097,298.65 in 2026), while their estimated expenditure for the next six months was £464,000, (£76,524,458 in 2026). Even if projected rate collections were achieved, an enormous deficit would remain.

So Cashel’s appearance in Parliament tells us something very important. The Union was part of the continuing famine emergency, a landscape of mass outdoor relief, indebted Poor Law Unions and exhausted local ratepayers, and at precisely that moment, Strzelecki was travelling 2,700 miles across Connacht and Munster distributing private charitable aid. That coincidence is what makes the Cashel question worth investigating.

The Surviving Cashel Records
There is another important development. The original Cashel Poor Law Union Board of Guardians minute books for the famine period survive, and Tipperary Studies has digitised them for public access.
The online Cashel collection includes both the 1848–1849 and 1849–1850 minute books, precisely the records covering Strzelecki’s return to Ireland. An original Cashel Rate Book for 1849 also survives online. It runs to 232 pages and records property and rating information for the Cashel electoral division, during the very year in question.
Other 1849 rate books survive for electoral divisions within Cashel Union, including places/villages such as Fethard, Drangan, Graystown, Kilpatrick and Tullamain.
So far, however, no reference to Strzelecki has been identified in the searchable or indexed portions of the Cashel records.

That does not settle the question.
The Board of Guardians minute books are large handwritten manuscript volumes, and not every name, letter, visitor or donation can reliably be found through ordinary text searching.
A reference could appear under a variant spelling, as “Count Strzelecki”, in a piece of incoming correspondence, in the record of a donation, or simply in handwriting that has never been indexed.
The proper next stage is therefore a page-by-page examination of the Cashel Guardians’ minutes for the summer of 1849, particularly from July to early September. Historians should look not just for Strzelecki’s name but for:- letters from London or Dublin; private charitable donations; relief remittances; visiting relief agents; special grants; outside assistance; and references to individuals distributing charitable funds.

So, Did Strzelecki Come To Cashel, in Co. Tipperary?
We still cannot say yes. But we can now state the historical circumstances much more clearly. In the summer of 1849 Paul Strzelecki travelled approximately 2,700 miles across Connacht and Munster distributing charitable aid. During those same months Cashel Poor Law Union was supporting around 12,000 people on outdoor relief and was being discussed in Parliament because of the enormous financial strain created by continuing famine distress.
The original Cashel Board of Guardians records for that period survive, and are publicly available for investigation. What remains missing is the final documentary link placing Strzelecki himself in Cashel.

So the responsible conclusion remains: Did Paul Strzelecki Visit Cashel In 1849? Possibly, but not yet proven. What makes the possibility so intriguing is that we now know the scale of his movements. This was not a short journey through a handful of familiar western districts. It was a 2,700-mile humanitarian journey across Connacht and Munster, undertaken during a summer when Cashel was experiencing exactly the type of continuing distress Strzelecki had returned to Ireland to relieve.
As Glenties commemorates this remarkable Polish humanitarian, perhaps it is also an appropriate time for Cashel and County Tipperary to examine their own surviving famine records.

Somewhere in those handwritten pages may yet lie the answer to one fascinating local question; “Did Paul Strzelecki Travel To Cashel?“

Thurles, Co. Tipperary Left Waiting Again – Where Is The Urgency On Our Road Upgrades?

Thurles Deserves Delivery – Not More Delays, Excuses And Failed Announcements.

The continuing delay recently announced on the redevelopment of Liberty Square, (Part 2) and Slievenamon Road raises a much wider question about infrastructure delivery in Thurles town, and about what our political representatives are actually achieving for the town in Dáil Éireann.
How much longer is Thurles expected to wait for basic infrastructure that other major towns would regard as essential?

The first phase of the Liberty Square redevelopment commenced in August 2020 and was officially opened in June 2022. Yet the adjoining N62 Slievenamon Road Phase 2 project; from Liberty Square to the Shopping Centre roundabout, is now not expected to begin until 2027 at least, with completion potentially stretching to the the final weeks of 2028.
That is an extraordinary timescale for completing the redevelopment of the centre of one of Tipperary’s largest towns.

Promised completion since 2022 following part one completion in 2022.

Tipperary County Council points to dependencies involving Transport Infrastructure Ireland and Uisce Éireann. But after years of delay, the public is entitled to ask why these issues were not identified, coordinated and resolved far earlier.
Even more difficult to understand is the condition of parts of Liberty Square itself. Potholes, eroded road surfaces and deteriorating sections should not have to await another multimillion-euro capital project. Basic maintenance is a separate responsibility. A promise that major works may eventually take place cannot justify leaving existing surfaces in poor condition in the meantime.

There is also another deeply unpleasant issue which deserves a proper public explanation. Sewer pipes were installed during the Liberty Square redevelopment works in 2021. Since then, complaints have been publicly reported about foul odours and what has been described as sewer gas or a sewage-type stench issuing from drains in parts of Liberty Square east.
If these odours arose following the drainage works, the obvious questions must be asked;
“Were the new drainage and sewer arrangements correctly designed and installed?
“Have they been independently inspected and tested?”
“What is causing the continuing smell, and why has it not been permanently rectified?

Until Tipperary County Council or Uisce Éireann produces the technical evidence, it would be wrong to simply declare defective installation as proven. But equally, persistent reports of sewage-type odours following major drainage works cannot simply be ignored. The people working, shopping and living in the centre of Thurles deserve an explanation and a permanent solution.

Constant traffic congestion caused by failure to provide inner relief road and Thurles bypass.

And Liberty Square is only part of a much bigger infrastructure failure.
The Thurles Inner Relief Road has been talked about for years, yet the town is still waiting for the level of funding necessary to turn plans, designs and consultancy work into actual construction.
Then there is the Thurles Bypass; another project discussed for decades and repeatedly presented as essential to removing through-traffic and heavy vehicles from the town centre.
Announcements, inclusion in plans, feasibility studies and ministerial visits are not roads.
Funding, construction contracts, machinery on site and completed infrastructure are what matter.

Which brings us directly to political accountability.
Thurles is represented in Dáil Éireann by Mr Michael Lowry TD and Mr Ryan O’Meara TD.
Both are entitled to point to representations they have made, meetings attended and projects they have sought to advance.

But voters are equally entitled to ask a much tougher question:
What are Mr Michael Lowry and Mr Ryan O’Meara actually achieving in Dáil Éireann for Thurles?
Where is the construction funding for the Inner Relief Road?
When will there be a fully funded programme and credible construction timetable for the Thurles Bypass?
Why has completion of Liberty Square and Slievenamon Road been allowed to stretch towards 2028?
And why, after millions of euro have already been spent on Liberty Square, are residents and businesses still having to complain about potholes, eroded surfaces and foul smells apparently emanating from the drainage system?

Political effectiveness should ultimately be measured by results. Not another series of video’s and press releases. Not another photograph taken standing beside a Minister or a wealthy business man. Not another announcement that a project is being “progressed”. Not another promise that funding will be sought.

Thurles needs funding secured, contracts signed, problems fixed and projects delivered. After years of waiting, that is hardly too much to ask.

That is also the test for Tipperary County Council, Mr Michael Lowry TD and Mr Ryan O’Meara TD. Thurles does not need another announcement. It needs delivery.

Who Is Really To Blame For The National Children’s Hospital Debacle?

The National Children’s Hospital was supposed to be one of the great public investments of modern Ireland.

Instead, it has become synonymous with spiralling costs, missed deadlines, contractual disputes and public frustration.
Construction at the St James’s Hospital site began in 2016. The hospital was expected to be completed by 2022. Four years after that original target, there is still no dependable date for substantial completion.

So who is responsible?
The uncomfortable answer is that responsibility does not lie in just one place. The first major failure occurred before many of today’s construction disputes even arose.
An independent PwC review published in 2019 found serious weaknesses in the project’s planning, budgeting, governance and execution. Crucially, it concluded that the vast majority of the initial €450 million cost increase arose because the true cost of building the hospital had been underestimated in the first place.

That places significant responsibility on the State. Government, the National Paediatric Hospital Development Board and their advisers proceeded with an extraordinarily complicated project without sufficient certainty over design, cost and risk.
The original figures proved unrealistic.The project subsequently grew from an estimated cost of roughly €1 billion to an approved overall budget of approximately €2.24 billion.

But that does not absolve the main contractor, BAM. The present dispute is increasingly about delivery. The NPHDB told the Oireachtas earlier this year that BAM had changed its projected substantial-completion date 18 times over a five-year period. Its April 30th 2026 target represented a delay of approximately 40 months beyond the revised contractual completion date of December 2022. That April deadline was not met.

Minister for Health Ms Jennifer Carroll MacNeill has since sharply criticised BAM and its parent company, saying commitments on additional resources and delivery had been inadequately fulfilled. There are also disputes over workmanship and defects.
Earlier this year the NPHDB described the scale of defects identified during the completion process as unprecedented, while BAM argued that much of this represented normal snagging on a project of exceptional size and complexity.
Meanwhile, BAM has submitted claims totalling approximately €983 million for disputed additional costs. These are claims, not an accepted bill to the taxpayer, and large parts remain contested.
BAM, for its part, disputes the State’s account of responsibility for delays and argues that design decisions, changes and other client-side issues have affected its ability to complete the job.
That means we should distinguish between political responsibility, project-management responsibility and legal liability.

For the original cost escalation and poor project structure, the State must carry substantial responsibility.
For many of the later construction delays, the NPHDB and Government now place much of the blame on BAM.

But the final allocation of contractual liability cannot simply be decided by politicians, journalists or commentators. Some of it will ultimately be determined through the contract’s dispute-resolution procedures and possibly the courts.

The more important question now is: what should happen next?
First, BAM must be required to produce and deliver against a credible, properly resourced completion programme with measurable weekly milestones.
Second, the State must rigorously enforce the contract. Valid claims should be paid, invalid claims resisted, and damages for contractor-caused delay pursued where legally justified.
Third, quality cannot be sacrificed simply to produce another politically attractive completion date. This is a national paediatric hospital containing operating theatres, intensive-care facilities and highly complex clinical systems. It must be finished properly.
Fourth, Government should publish a simple public progress dashboard showing completed rooms, outstanding defects, testing of critical systems and verified milestones. After so many missed deadlines, the public needs measurable progress rather than another promise.
And finally, when the hospital is delivered, there must be a comprehensive independent review of the entire project. Not simply another report to gather dust.

Ireland needs to know why such a vital national project was allowed to proceed with inadequate cost certainty, why governance failed, why completion dates repeatedly slipped, which additional contractor claims were justified, and which were not. Those lessons matter far beyond this hospital.
Ireland is entering an era in which enormous sums will be spent on transport, housing, healthcare, energy and other infrastructure.
The lasting scandal would not merely be that the National Children’s Hospital became extraordinarily expensive and extraordinarily late. It would be spending billions more on future projects without learning anything from it.
The children who will eventually receive world-class care in this hospital deserve better than political point-scoring.

Taxpayers deserve something too; an honest account of what went wrong, who was responsible and guarantees that Ireland will not repeat the same mistakes again.